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Project Counsel Media is part of The Project Counsel Group. We cover the areas of cyber security, digital technology, legal technology, media, and mobile technology.

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THE 18 JUNE 2021 WEEKEND "BONG" REPORT:

selected news from the eDiscovery and information governance communities, with additional contributions from our cyber security and digital media communities


This weekend's lead story:


The Year of the Technology Regulator?

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BONG!

This weekend's edition was curated and written by:
Gregory Bufithis
Founder/CEO
Project Counsel Media
assisted by:
Catarina Conti
Social Media Manager 
Project Counsel Media


18 June 2021 (Brussels, Belgium) - In all of our eDiscovery work through the years we have always tried to go beyond the usual legal and technology news to provide a look at the trends and technologies that have accelerated the convergence of the discrete yet mutually inclusive domains we have covered for 20+ years: cybersecurity, digital media, and legal technology.

This year we enhanced our global technology coverage through our partnership with Jonathan Maas who started BONG! 10+ years ago and who graciously allowed us to combine forces. Joining that partnership is Rob Robinson (the brains behind the revered Complex Discovery blog) who is one of the eDiscovery world's premier technology marketers who has held senior leadership positions with multiple top-tier data and legal technology providers.

NOTE: If you are receiving this through a colleague and you have not subscribed, see the end of this post to learn how.

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OUR THANKS TO OUR PRINCIPAL CORPORATE SPONSOR HAYSTACKID:

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This week's lead story:

The Year of the Technology Regulator?


When you've been working in and covering the advertising, digital media and mobile technology industries as long as I have (this September will make 30 years), you become au fait with a few of the hackneyed phrases of the industry. Predominantly, they begin with "The Year of ..." although "The Year of Mobile" is my all-time favorite trope of this ilk, having seen it 10 times (yes, there have been 10 "Year of Mobile" if you just scan the advertising, digital media and mobile technology press over the last 30 years). 

During that time, as the enigmatic "Year of Mobile" came and went, I have seen multiple research studies proclaiming the advent of digital primacy when it comes to online media spend during the same periods. However, as we enter the 2020s-proper (I think most of us would like to forget 2020), I believe it will be one marked by the creeping specter of regulation. I believe that privacy concerns helped spur the initial wave of government intervention in the digital media sector. Although, if we look at the mounting cases that each of the Big Tech players has to answer about how their dominance is inhibiting competition in the early 2020s, then I believe this decade will be characterized as "The Year of The Technology Regulator".


There have been feeble attempts to prioritize data privacy legislation. Just about everybody lauded the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) - the first state-level legislation of its kind - but if you have been following some of the early legal rounds many of the key points in the CCPA have remained fuzzy for consumers and businesses alike and the Act's supporters are finding that enforcement is going to be a bitch, just as the supporters of Europe's General Data Protection Regulation are finding. In Europe, bĂȘte noires like Max Schrems are going after "cookies", completely missing the way content delivery networks and systems now operate, and how the advertising industry has reworked cookies. 

The CCPA suffers a similar illusion. The regulation comes too late in the whole data technology process. Asking consumers to stop what they’re doing and make a decision about a bunch of complex privacy questions when they really just want to use a new app is an ineffective way of ensuring that rights are protected. That kind of a model doesn’t operate in a way that’s consistent with how human beings think and act. A more comprehensive regime would give consumers the ability to opt out or in early on in the process. Something like a registry of people who have chosen not to have their data tracked or sold should have been part of the conversation as the legislation was written and proposed. Based on a report from the New York Attorney General’s office, New York has assembled a "hit list" of everything wrong about the CCPA and its privacy legislation will (maybe) be the template going forward, not California.

Over the last week the U.S. Congress has proposed a raft of bipartisan legislation aimed at reining in the country’s biggest tech companies, including a bill that seeks to make Amazon and other large corporations effectively split in two or shed their private-label products. The bills amount to the biggest congressional broadside yet on a handful of technology companies - including Apple, Facebook and Google, and even Microsoft has been snagged in the net.

The bills face significant, daunting hurdles but they will at least cause some in-depth conversations about an industry that has extended its impact into nearly every facet of work and life.

All of these bills are the ultimate outcome of the multiple antitrust’s investigation of tech companies over the last three years and they vary in radicalness and at times conflict with each other. My team has taken a ridiculous amount of time looking at all of this legislation and analysis and while I'd like to get into the weeds, the first BONG! below is a short summary of where I think each bill stands.

But first some key points:

Technology was a small industry until very recently. It was exciting and interesting, and it was on lots of magazine covers, but it wasn‘t actually an important part of most people’s lives. When Bill Gates was on every magazine cover, Microsoft was a small company that sold accounting tools to big companies. When Netscape kicked off the consumer internet in 1994, there were only 100m or so PCs on earth, and most of them were in offices. Today, according to the latest numbers published by the Mobile World Congress, 4.5bn people have a smartphone - three quarters of all the adults on earth. In most developed countries, 90% of the adult population is online. 

The change isn’t just that almost all of us have a computer now, but that we’ve changed how we use them. Tech has gone from being just one of many industries to being systemically important to society. Marc Andreessen was right: software ate the world.

The trouble is, when software becomes part of society, all of society’s problems get expressed in software. We connected everyone, so we connected the bad people, and more importantly we connected all of our own worst instincts. All the things we worried about before now happen online, and are amplified, changed and channeled in new ways. Meanwhile, the problems that tech always had matter much more, because they become so much bigger and touch so many more people. And then, of course, all of these combine and feed off each other, and generate new externalities. The internet had hate speech in 1990, but it didn’t affect elections, and it didn’t involve foreign intelligence agencies.

When something is systemically important to society and has systemically important problems, this brings attention from governments and regulators. All industries are subject to general legislation, but some also have industry-specific legislation. All companies have to follow employment law, and accounting law, and workplace safety law, and indeed criminal law. But some also have their own laws as well, because they have some very specific and important questions that need them. Banks, airlines and oil refineries are regulated industries, and the theory is technology is going to become a regulated industry as well. 

But regulation isn’t simple. It can’t be. Each industry has lots of different issues, in different places, with different people in positions to do something and different kinds of solution. We regulate "banks", but that’s not one thing - we regulate deposits, credit cards, mortgages, futures & options and the money supply and these are different kinds of questions with different kinds of solutions. 

To take this point further, cars brought many different kinds of problem, and we understood that responsibility for doing something about them sat in different places, and that solutions are probably limited and probably have tradeoffs. We can tell car companies to make their cars safer, and punish them if they cut corners, but we can’t tell them to end all accidents or make gasoline that doesn’t burn. We can tell Ford to reduce emissions, but we can’t tell it to fix parking or congestion, or build more bike lanes - someone else has to do that, and we might or might not decide to pay for it out of taxes on cars. We worry that criminals use cars, but that’s a social problem and a law enforcement problem, not a mechanical engineering problem. And we mandate speed limits, but we don’t build them into cars. This is how policy works: there are many largely unrelated problems captured by words like ‘cars’ or ‘banking’ or ‘tech’ - some things are impossible, most things are tradeoffs, there are generally unintended consequences, and everything is complicated. 

"Tech", of course, has all of this complexity, but we’re having to work this out a lot more quickly. It took 75 years for seatbelts to become compulsory, but tech has gone from interesting to crucial only in the last five to ten years. That speed means we have to form opinions about things we didn’t grow up with and don’t always understand quite so well.

All of this means that the move towards regulation has sometimes been accompanied by a moral panic, and a rush for easy answers. That’s a lot of the appeal of a phrase like "break them up!" - it has a comforting simplicity, but doesn’t really give us a route to solutions. Indeed, "break them up" reminds me a lot of ‘Brexit’ - it sounds simple until you ask questions. Break them up into what, and what problems would that solve? The idea that you can solve the social issues connected to the internet with anti-trust intervention is rather like thinking that you can solve the social issues that come from cars by breaking up GM and Ford. Competition tends to produce better cars, but we didn’t rely on it to reduce emissions or improve safety, and breaking up GM wouldn’t solve traffic congestion. 

Anyway, I'll continue this discussion this fall when some of the proposed legislation summarised below goes into specific U.S. Congressional committees toward possible enactment.

BONG!

These bills are the ultimate outcome of U.S. Congressional House hearings investigating tech companies which included hearings with the CEOs of Apple, Amazon, Google, and Facebook, and ensuing detailed reports.

*American Innovation and Choice Online Act

This bill bans covered platforms from giving an advantage to their own products, services, and lines of business over competitors; disadvantaging competing products, services, and lines of business; or discriminating between similarly situated business users. It further:

-Bars any restrictions on interoperability that do not similarly apply to the platform owner

-Explicitly bans tying (i.e. conditioning the use of one product on use of another)

-Bans the use of data about the activities of third-party businesses to improve the platform’s own product

-Forbids the platform from restricting the right of third-party businesses to use their own data generated on the platform

-Requires platform owners to allow users to uninstall pre-installed applications and change defaults

-Bans anti-steering provisions (i.e. Spotify being able to tell iOS users to subscribe online or link to the web)

-Restricts the platform owner from treating the platform’s own products differently in search or rankings

-Restricts the platform owner from controlling a business user’s pricing

-Restricts the platform owner from limiting a business user’s interoperability

-Bans retaliation by the platform owner against any business user that raises concerns with regulators

The bill does provide a privacy exception: actions that violate the above provisions can be legal if the platform owner can prove they were necessary to preserve user privacy while being narrowly tailored, non-discriminatory, and nonpretextual.

The bill also allows regulators to force the divesture of lines of business if it determines that said line of business presents a conflict of interest that leads to violation of this act.

And, frankly, this is totally bonkers. Here's what would actually happen: you'd go to buy a phone in a carrier store (as many people do) and they'd preload their own App Store and a ton of intrusive tracking junk apps. Is there any evidence that people who are not developers are dissatisfied with how Google and Apple set things up right now? If so, I haven't seen it.

*Platform Competition and Opportunity Act 

This bill completely bans acquisitions by covered companies, unless the acquiring company proves that:

-The acquired company does not compete with the platform in any way and:

-Does not provide potential competition for the platform in any way and:

-Does not enhance the platform’s offering in any way.

-For good measure the act includes “user attention” as one of the vectors of competition; like I said, it bans all acquisitions.

*Ending Platform Monopolies Act 

This bill is in many respects a repeat of the American Innovation and Choice Online Act, but instead of banning discriminatory behavior it simply bans platforms from owning any product or service that rest on top of its platform and compete with 3rd-parties in any way. The provision is as broad as it sounds, which is interesting to think about in a historical context: operating systems used to sell the networking stack separately — would it be illegal now for iOS to include TCP/IP? That’s just one obvious example of how this bill would quickly devolve into product design by the judiciary.

*Augmenting Compatibility and Competition by Enabling Service Switching (ACCESS) Act 

This bill mandates API-driven data portability and interoperability, subject to “privacy and security standards for access by competing businesses or potential competing businesses to the extent reasonably necessary to address a threat to the covered platform or user data.” Platforms will have to petition the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to make any changes to their interoperability interface. The FTC, meanwhile, will establish technical committees to enforce the measure with a clear charge to reduce network effects while establishing data security and privacy protections.

Unlike the GDPR it does not explicitly limit the sharing of information like a user’s contacts; at the same time, it doesn’t explicitly allow it either. 

Just a few points on all of this legislation:

As Ben Thompson (a leading tech analyst who trawled through this legislation) notes, it was not an accident that these bills were presented as a package, but I think it has been a mistake in a lot of coverage to view the package as one bill. But the politics is paramount. Start with the fact that while every bill was authored by a Democrat, they all have a Republican co-sponsor; if some combination of these regulations pass they will likely be with overwhelmingly Democratic support, but the fact they are starting out as nominally bi-partisan efforts is savvy.

But the major issues rise immediately. You have an approach both unworkable and undesirable — it leaves the FTC and ultimately the courts as the ultimate arbiter of what is part of a core platform’s offering and what rests on top, and not only does that evolve as technology matures, it also makes it impossible to deliver an experience that is approachable for regular consumers. As I noted above, is a networking stack part of an operating system? Is a browser? Is an App Store? 

The tech industry would be right to push back against anti-acquisition bills. Putting a blanket ban on acquisitions would be so destructive to the Silicon Valley ecosystem and consumer welfare.

And maybe (finally) the public will get an "education" on the distinction between platforms and aggregators. Platforms are the most powerful economic and innovation engines in technology: they create the possibility for products that never existed previously, and are the foundation for huge amounts of innovation. It is in the interest of society that there be more and larger platforms, not fewer and smaller.

At the same time, the danger of platform abuse is significantly greater, because users and 3rd-party developers have no other alternative. That means that not only are anticompetitive actions unfair to products that already exist, they also foreclose the creation of an untold number of new products. To that end, regulators should simultaneously encourage the formation of new platforms while ensuring those platforms do not abuse their position. As Ben Thompson noted:

"Regulations on tying, defaults, anti-steering provisions, control of pricing and interoperability, and most of the other parts of Cicilline’s bill are about restricting platforms from exercising the total control entailed by owning the APIs third-parties need to exist; Aggregators, which win by controlling demand, already have built-in pressure release valves given the fact that competition is a URL away.

That’s not to say that the American Innovation and Choice Online Act approach doesn’t have its own downsides: it would make it much more difficult to deliver an integrated product that appeals to customers by being easier-to-use, and make it more difficult to bring new technologies to market if every improvement has to be accessible to everyone on the platform".

One of the central planks of many of those pushing for new laws in this area are significant limitations on the ability of platforms to offer apps and services, or integrate them in any way that advantages their offerings. In this potential world it’s not simply problematic that Apple charges Spotify 30%, or else forces the music streaming service to hope that users figure out how to subscribe on the web, even as Apple Music has a fully integrated sign-up flow and no 30% tax; it is also illegal to incorporate Apple Music into SharePlay or Shared-with-you or Photos, or in the most extreme versions of these proposed laws, even have Apple Music at all. This limitation would apply to basically every WWDC announcement: say good-bye to Quick Note or SharePlay-as-an-exclusive-service, or any number of Apple’s integrated offerings.

I think these sorts of limitations would be disappointing as a user — integration really does often lead to better outcomes sooner — and would be a disaster for Apple. The entire company’s differentiation is predicated on integration, including its ability to abuse its App Store position, and it would be a huge misstep if the inability to resist the latter imperiled the former.

The other company that deserves opprobrium is Amazon: while I agree that it is silly that Amazon’s private label service is being held to some sort of higher standard than its retail competitors, particularly given the clear consumer benefits from private labels, Brad Stone’s compelling account in "Amazon Unbound" (as I have said it is a "must read) of how Amazon prioritized revenue over customer satisfaction in search — particularly in terms of advertising, but also its private labels — is an example of where pursuing short term business gains risked long term repercussions.

And so we are at the end of the beginning. I am always wary of regulation: unintended consequences always loom large, particularly in an industry as dynamic as tech. Then again, tech hasn’t necessarily been that dynamic as of late: the big five companies today are the same big five companies as a decade ago, and change does not appear to be on the horizon. 

And just one more regulation piece before we move on:
BONG!
Restraining strategic tech acquisitions in the EU

Anti-big-tech or anti-American? Is there a difference? From “Germany, France Want to Curb ‘Killer’ Big Tech Deals". Left out of the headline is the Netherlands, which joins those larger powers in their desire to stop companies like Facebook, Google, and Amazon from making “killer acquisitions.” These are deals in which tech giants snap up budding startups before they can bloom into competitors. We learn:

“EU regulators believe that Facebook’s buyouts of Instagram or WhatsApp, or Google’s purchase of Fitbit, are potential examples of big companies buying out a high-potential startup before it developed into a rival. The EU ministers were discussing the Digital Markets Act, a law being hammered out at European Parliament and among the 27 member states that will take years to come into force. It would create a list of special rules for the handful of big technology companies on how they can operate, including stricter obligations on informing regulators of their buyouts and mergers.

At the meeting, EU competition chief Margrethe Vestager insisted that existing rules already offered ways to intervene quickly against such buyouts when they are notified by national authorities. This was the case most recently with Facebook’s acquisition of software provider Kustomer even though that deal is below the EU’s thresholds for notification. The ministers also discussed the Digital Services Act that could force Big Tech into providing more transparency on algorithms and better policing of illegal content".

The EU currently abides by the country-of-origin principle, wherein the country in which a company’s European operation is based handles enforcement. However, since it feels Ireland bungled the oversight of big tech firms, France suggests the EU re-evaluate that principle. The specific rules it will propose remain to be seen and our inside sources tell us a turf war is under way as Ireland is fighting to retain its "supreme authority".

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Now, a few enlightened selections from the eDiscovery social media firehose last week as selected by Jonathan Maas.


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BONG!
What is "deNISTing'"?

DeNISTing is a process that identifies and removes unusable files in eDiscovery data sets. It compares your files with a central list and removes ones deemed unnecessary. It can be handy at speeding up review, but it isn't the only option for effective culling; in fact, it stems from a type of pricing that could actually be harmful to your eDiscovery. For more click here.
BONG!
Unredacted documents reveal how Google tricked users into sharing private data

Google has been adding various privacy improvements to its services and apps in the past few years, but it wasn't solely out of its own volition. Google's own privacy-infringing problems forced the company to reconsider some of its practices. Then there's Apple's massive interest in security and privacy that forced Google to come up with matching features in Android and its apps. But Google apparently never wanted users to have that much freedom when it comes to certain aspects of their privacy. Newly unredacted documents in a lawsuit against Google revealed that the search giant made it nearly impossible for users to keep location data private from Google. Location is one of the most sensitive privacy topics for Google, as the company was recently caught collecting user data from people who thought their privacy settings would not allow it. More here.
BONG!
Beyond the pandemic: EMEA data and discovery roundtable

One year on from COVID, the risks resulting from long-term work from home environments and economic troubles have been widely discussed - and felt - in every major region worldwide. Data and discovery risks have been especially impacted. FTI gathered a roundtable of its experts from France, Germany, Ireland and Spain to discuss these issues in detail.

BONG!
Could legal tech cost less?

Could legal tech cost less and, if it did, would that help with client adoption? That is the question that Artificial Lawyer decided to ask a range of vendors across the world. The answers were illuminating.

BONG!
Serious cyberattacks in Europe doubled in the past year, new figures reveal, as criminals exploited the pandemic

Significant cyberattacks against critical targets in Europe have doubled in the past year, according to new EU figures obtained by CNN, as the pandemic pushed lives indoors and online. The European Union Agency for Cybersecurity, ENISA, told CNN there were 304 significant, malicious attacks against 'critical sectors' in 2020, more than double the 146 recorded the year before.
BONG!
How remote work opened the floodgates to ransomware

Ransomware has long posed a cybersecurity threat to companies and infrastructure, but experts say the problem has exploded in recent years. Last year was especially egregious, with ransomware victims in the US paying out nearly $350m, according to the global security group the Institute for Security and Technology – a 311% increase over 2019. The FBI director, Christopher Wray, highlighted this startling figure at a congressional hearing. “Ransomware alone, the total volume of amounts paid in ransomware has tripled over the last year,” Wray said. “We think the cyber threat is increasing almost exponentially.” Experts attribute the surge to a number of factors, but they say one of the most critical has been the shift to remote working during the pandemic. For more click here.

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MY MOMENT OF ZEN
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Some away-from-the-pedantic-stuff I stumble across each week, either a video or photo, sometimes both. Here, a sign outside a NYC bar. Sent to me by a reader.
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This app will count literally anything you show it

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ENDNOTE

Jonathan Maas started BONG! in 2011 and we've enhanced it with our global legal technology team. Where does the name come from? Jonathan explains:
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For those outside the UK (or in the UK but without televisions), BONG!  is a reference to the main evening TV news in the UK, on which headlines are read out between strikes (bongs) of the now-silent Big Ben, the bell in the Elizabeth Tower (renamed from the Clock Tower in honour of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee) at the Palace of Westminster. You can thank a particularly persistent pedant early on in the life of my BONG! for this rather precise explanation.
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