Quotes of the Day:
"All that is really worth the doing is what we do for others."
- Lewis Carroll
“If there be time to expose through discussion the falsehood and fallacies, to avert the evil by the processes of education, the remedy to be applied is more speech, not enforced silence."
- Louis Brandeis
[Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357 (1927)]”
"Men are qualified for civil liberty in exact proportion to their disposition to put moral chains upon their own appetites; in proportion as their love of justice is above their rapacity; in proportion as their soundness and sobriety is above their vanity and presumption; in proportion as they are more disposed to listen to the counsels of the wise and good, in preference to the flattery of knaves."
- Edmund Burke
1. N. Korea fires 2 suspected ballistic missiles eastward: S. Korean military
2. N. Korea warns of 'stronger' reaction after U.S. imposes new sanctions
3. Seoul vows to continue efforts for humanitarian aid to N. Korea amid fresh U.S. sanctions
4. U.S. urges N. Korea to refrain from provocations following N. Korean warning
5. U.S. focused on consequences for N. Korea's missile tests: Blinken
6. Biden slaps first sanctions over Pyongyang’s weapons programs
7. Analysis: N.Korea’s 'hypersonic missile' tests raise military stakes in Asia
8. Did the military prepare to shoot down a North Korean missile from the West Coast?
9. North Korea Threatens ‘Stronger’ Reaction as U.S. Seeks Sanctions Over Missile Tests
10. North Korea’s goals in 2022: internal stability and nuclear development
11. Opinion | We can’t neglect North Korea for another year
12. North Korean hackers stole $400 million in cryptocurrency last year — and they're in no rush to cash out
13. North Korean hackers stole $400 million in cryptocurrency in 2021: report
14. Why Is North Korea Quiet? by John Bolton
15. Panetta: US Should Tell North Korea Provocations Put Regime at Risk
16. North Korean tire shortage grounds vehicles, disrupts commerce
17. Early warning systems first suggested North Korean missile could hit US, causing temporary scramble
18. North Korea's missile launches prompt US diplomat to reaffirm push to banish nukes
19. Former USFK chief says N.K. hypersonic launches, if true, can be reason to be 'very concerned'
20. S. Korea, U.S. mull delaying combined drills to April due to presidential election: sources
21. Breaking the Diplomatic Deadlock with North Korea
1. N. Korea fires 2 suspected ballistic missiles eastward: S. Korean military
Kim is on a roll. I hate to beat the horse but let's not overreact but let's exploit the opportunity Kim is presenting us. It is time to get aggressive with an information andinluence activities campaign.
Again here are my six recommendations for response:
First, do not overreact. But do not succumb to the criticism of those who recommend ending exercises. Always call out Kim Jong-un’s strategy As Sun Tzu would advise- “ …what is of supreme importance in war is to attack the enemy’s strategy; … next best is to disrupt his alliances.” Make sure the international community, the press, and the public in the ROK and the U.S. and the elite and the Korean people living in the north know what Kim is doing.
Second, never ever back down in the face of North Korean increased tension, threats, and provocations.
Third, coordinate an alliance response. There may be times when a good cop-bad cop approach is appropriate. Try to mitigate the internal domestic political criticisms that will inevitably occur in Seoul and DC. Do not let those criticisms negatively influence policy and actions.
Fourth, exploit weakness in North Korea – create internal pressure on Kim and the regime from his elite and military. Always work to drive a wedge among the party, elite, and military (which is a challenge since they are all intertwined and inextricably linked).
Fifth, demonstrate strength and resolve. Do not be afraid to show military strength. Never misunderstand the north’s propaganda – do not give in to demands to reduce exercises or take other measures based on North Korean demands that would in any way reduce the readiness of the combined military forces. The north does not want an end to the exercises because they are a threat, they want to weaken the alliance and force U.S. troops from the peninsula which will be the logical result if they are unable to effectively train.
Sixth, depending on the nature of the provocation, be prepared to initiate a decisive response using the most appropriate tools, e.g., diplomatic, military, economic, information and influence activities, cyber, etc., or a combination.
(5th LD) N. Korea fires 2 suspected ballistic missiles eastward: S. Korean military | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN: UPDATES with details in para 4)
By Song Sang-ho
SEOUL, Jan. 14 (Yonhap) -- North Korea fired two suspected ballistic missiles eastward Friday, South Korea's military said, after Pyongyang publicly warned earlier in the day of a "stronger and certain" response to the United States' imposition of new sanctions.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) said the short-range projectiles were launched from Uiju in North Pyongan Province, a northwestern region bordering China, and that they flew around 430 kilometers at an altitude of 36 km.
It detected one of the missiles at 2:41 p.m and the other at 2:52 p.m.
The missiles flew at top speed of around Mach 6, six times the speed of sound, according to officials.
The intelligence authorities of South Korea and the United States are conducting a detailed analysis for more information, the JCS said.
"At this point, it seems that the North fired the missiles toward pre-set targets so as to verify the missiles' accuracy," a JCS official told reporters on condition of anonymity.
"It is presumed to be a set of test launches aimed at enhancing the accuracy of the existing short-range ballistic missiles," he added.
The targets in point are thought to have been set on Al Island, an uninhabited island off the North's east coast, sources said.
The North's latest saber-rattling marks its third show of force this year.
South Korea's military is monitoring related North Korean movements and maintaining a firm readiness posture, the JCS said.
Earlier in the day, Pyongyang issued the warning after Washington slapped the sanctions on six North Koreans involved in the regime's weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programs Wednesday.
"If the U.S. adopts such a confrontational stance, the DPRK will be forced to take stronger and certain reaction to it," a spokesperson of the foreign ministry said in a statement carried by the North's official Korean Central News Agency. DPRK stands for the North's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
The North fired what it claims to be hypersonic missiles on Jan. 5 and Tuesday, in an apparent quest for new advanced weapons amid a deadlock in nuclear talks with the United States.
Meanwhile, the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command said that it is aware of the missile launches, but assessed they do "not pose an immediate threat to U.S. personnel or territory or to our allies."
"The missile launch highlights the destabilizing impact of the DPRK's illicit weapons program," it said in a press release. "The U.S. commitment to the defense of the Republic of Korea and Japan remains ironclad."
sshluck@yna.co.kr
(END)
2. N. Korea warns of 'stronger' reaction after U.S. imposes new sanctions
Do not back down in the face of this rhetoric. The US and the ROK/US alliance are not to blame for the regime's action. Kim is making these decisions to act out. If we give in now in any way he will assess his political warfare and blackmail diplomacy strategy a success and he will double down.
As an aside, while I doubt there is any significant deliberate coordination and synchronization of activities among the revisionist (China., Russia) and rogue (Iran, north Korea) powers, we should think about North Korea as a spoiler in strategic competition. With everything happening in Ukraine, Taiwan/South China Sea , Kazakhstan, and other locations, is north Korea deliberately taking advantage of the situations around the world for its own end? Is Kim simply afraid of being left out and ignored? Is he trying to demonstrate his "relevance?"
What is a spoiler? – The extreme type is the total spoiler which is defined as groups or individuals that will never compromise or negotiate. Although international relations theorists say this is actually extremely rare, I would argue that it applies to north Korea and that it has important implications for the US and all the powers competing in Great Power Competition. North Korea has the potential through words and deeds to upend cooperation and competition and this could lead to conflict. And what makes north Korea a spoiler most of all? It’s absolute unwillingness to negotiate the denuclearization of north Korea. It is its nuclear weapons that provide it with the ability to operate around the world to achieve its objectives and this can put a wrench in great power competition.
We must understand that north Korea is a self-described revolutionary power and its constitution and Workers Party of Korea charter call for it to complete the revolution to rid the peninsula of foreign influence and unify it under what I like to describe as the Guerrilla Dynasty and Gulag State to support the single vital interest – survival of the mafia-like crime family cult known as the Kim family regime. It is employing the seven decades old strategy of subversion, coercion-extortion (blackmail diplomacy), and use of force to achieve unification on its terms. It is conducting a “long con” to obtain sanctions relief while keeping its nuclear weapons and military capabilities intact. It is using blackmail diplomacy -increased tension, threats, and provocations to gain political and economic concessions. Finally, it is conducting political warfare with Juche characteristics – “Political warfare is the use of all means other than military force to compel an opponent to do one’s will. Its exercise reflects a hostile intent.” The north conducts political warfare against its own people, the ROK, Japan, the US, and dating back to the Korean War, even China and Russia. As LTG (RET) Chun In Bum has written, other adversaries in the world recognize the success of the North Korean regime and hope to emulate its success. This in turn is a new source of danger and a potential threat to the international order and the free world. It can make north Korea into a form of spoiler.
(2nd LD) N. Korea warns of 'stronger' reaction after U.S. imposes new sanctions | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN: UPDATES with remarks from South Korean officials in paras 9-12)
By Choi Soo-hyang and Chae Yun-hwan
SEOUL, Jan. 14 (Yonhap) -- North Korea warned Friday it will have to take a "stronger and certain reaction" after the United States implemented new sanctions over the North's recent missile launches.
In a statement carried by the official Korean Central News Agency, a spokesperson for the North's foreign ministry said the recent launch of what it claims to be a hypersonic missile was an "exercise of right to self-defense."
"If the U.S. adopts such a confrontational stance, the DPRK will be forced to take stronger and certain reaction to it," the statement said. DPRK stands for the North's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
On Wednesday, the Biden administration slapped sanctions on six North Koreans involved in the reclusive regime's weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programs.
The move came after the North launched what it claims to be a newly developed hypersonic missile Tuesday, the second such test in less than a week.
"The DPRK's recent development of new-type weapon was just part of its efforts for modernizing its national defense capability," the statement said. "It did not target any specific country or force and it did not do any harm to the security of neighboring countries."
The North called the U.S. move an "evident provocation and a gangster-like logic," and accused Washington of "intentionally escalating the situation."
"This shows that though the present U.S. administration is trumpeting about diplomacy and dialogue, it is still engrossed in its policy for isolating and stifling the DPRK," the statement said. "The DPRK will not abandon its just right."
South Korea's Ministry of Unification handling inter-Korean affairs reiterated its call for the North to return to dialogue.
"(We) once again urge North Korea to respond to the South Korean government's efforts to create peace through dialogue at a time when the stability of the Korean Peninsula's security situation is critical," its deputy spokesperson Cha Duck-chul told a regular press briefing.
He added, "The government will continue to closely watch related moves, including additional responses from North Korea."
An official at Seoul's foreign ministry said that South Korea and the U.S. remain unchanged in their position to continue efforts to revive peace talks in close cooperation, and called on the North to refrain from taking measures that could worsen the situation.
North Korea has been testing a series of new weapons amid a deadlock in its nuclear negotiations with the U.S. The nuclear talks remain stalled since their Hanoi summit in 2019 ended without a deal.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Thursday the North may continue launching more missiles, describing it as North Korea "trying to get attention."
Washington's top envoy to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, has said the U.S. is pushing for additional U.N. Security Council sanctions against the North.
scaaet@yna.co.kr
(END)
3. Seoul vows to continue efforts for humanitarian aid to N. Korea amid fresh U.S. sanctions
Two points. Sanctions do not prohibit humanitarian assistance. However, the reason that South Korea has been unable to provide effective humanitarian assistance to the north is because Kim Jong-un has refused to accept it.
Seoul vows to continue efforts for humanitarian aid to N. Korea amid fresh U.S. sanctions | Yonhap News Agency
SEOUL, Jan. 14 (Yonhap) -- South Korea's unification ministry on Friday vowed to continue efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to North Korea after the United States imposed new sanctions over the reclusive regime's recent missile launches.
On Wednesday, the Biden administration slapped sanctions on six North Koreans, a Russian national and a Russian company involved in Pyongyang's weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programs.
Asked to comment on the move, Cha Duck-chul, deputy spokesman for the unification ministry, said South Korea maintains inter-Korean humanitarian cooperation should continue "regardless of the political or military situation."
"It is a widely shared understanding in the international community, including the U.S. and the United Nations, that sanctions should not impede humanitarian cooperation for North Korean citizens," Cha told a regular press briefing. "The government will continue efforts to find a reasonable and feasible way of implementing sanctions in the humanitarian aid sector."
The new U.S. sanctions came shortly after the North launched what it claims to be a newly developed hypersonic missile Tuesday, the second such test in less than a week.
Earlier on Friday, North Korea's foreign ministry issued a statement and warned it will have to take "stronger and certain reaction" if Washington continues to take such a "confrontational stance" against the North.
scaaet@yna.co.kr
(END)
4. U.S. urges N. Korea to refrain from provocations following N. Korean warning
U.S. urges N. Korea to refrain from provocations following N. Korean warning | Yonhap News Agency
By Byun Duk-kun
WASHINGTON, Jan. 13 (Yonhap) -- The United States on Thursday urged North Korea to refrain from further provocations and instead engage in dialogue.
A spokesperson for the Department of State also renewed the U.S. condemnation of North Korea's recent missile tests.
"We condemn the DPRK's ballistic missile launches. These launches are in violation of multiple U.N. Security Council Resolutions and pose a threat to the DPRK's neighbors and the international community," the spokesperson told Yonhap News Agency in an email, asking not to be identified.
DPRK stands for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the North's official name.
"We call on the DPRK to refrain from further provocations and engage in sustained and substantive dialogue," the spokesperson added.
The remarks come shortly after a spokesperson for the North Korean foreign ministry accused the U.S. of trying to impose sanctions on the North for exercising its legitimate right to self-defense.
The North Korean official also argued the North will be "forced to take stronger and certain reaction" if the U.S. adopts such a confrontational stance.
North Korea launched what it claims to be a hypersonic missile Tuesday (Seoul time), the second such test in less than a week.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said the missile launches may have been aimed at getting the U.S.' attention but that they still violated multiple U.N. Security Council resolutions.
He said the U.S. and its allies are now focused on making sure that "There are repercussions, consequences for these actions by North Korea."
Linda Thomas-Greenfield, U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, on Wednesday said the U.S. has proposed additional U.N. Security Council sanctions against Pyongyang.
The U.S. has also imposed sanctions on six North Korean representatives based in China and Russia for illegally procuring materials for the North's weapons programs.
bdk@yna.co.kr
(END)
5. U.S. focused on consequences for N. Korea's missile tests: Blinken
I have received some queries from the press asking if the Biden administration is changing its north Korea policy and shifting from principled and practical diplomacy and shifting to a hardline.
I think we forget what the policy is. We have heard the (correct in my opinion) mantra that the US is prepared to negotiate any time, anywhere, and without preconditions. This is the administration providing KimJ Jong-un the opportunity to act as a responsible member of the international community. He obviously continues to demonstrate that he is unable or unwilling to do so.
But the Biden administration is actually practical diplomacy and "stern deterrence" And one of the principles of the policy is the full implementation of all relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The actions this week (e.g. five new designations) is consistent with this policy and does not indicate a change.
U.S. focused on consequences for N. Korea's missile tests: Blinken | Yonhap News Agency
By Byun Duk-kun
WASHINGTON, Jan. 13 (Yonhap) -- The United States is working with allies and partners to ensure that North Korea faces consequences for its recent missile tests, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Thursday.
Blinken also noted the North may continue to launch missiles as part of efforts to get more attention.
"I think some of this is the North Korea trying to get trying to get attention. It's done that in the past. They'll probably continue to do that," the top U.S. diplomat said in an interview with MSNBC, referring to recent North Korean missile tests.
"But we are very focused with allies and partners in making sure that they and we are properly defended, and that there are repercussions, consequences for these actions by North Korea," he added.
North Korea launched what it claims to be a newly developed hypersonic missile on Tuesday (Seoul time), the second such test in less than a week.
The U.S. said the North has launched six missiles since September.
On Wednesday, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, said the U.S. has proposed additional U.N. Security Council sanctions on North Korea.
Blinken noted the U.S. has offered to meet with North Koreans at any time, anywhere and without any preconditions.
"Unfortunately, not only has there been no response to those overtures, but the response we've seen, as you pointed out, in recent weeks has been renewed missile tests, something that is profoundly destabilizing, is dangerous and it contravenes a whole host of UN Security Council resolutions," he said.
"So not only are we sanctioning North Koreans, we are deeply engaged both at the UN and with key partners like South Korea, like Japan on our response," he added.
The U.S. on Wednesday imposed sanctions on six North Koreans based in Russia and China, along with one Russian national and a Russian company, for illegally procuring materials for the North's missile programs.
bdk@yna.co.kr
(END)
6. Biden slaps first sanctions over Pyongyang’s weapons programs
This is a problem. We are unable to coordinate a ROK/US alliance response. but Japan is supportive of US actions.
The Korean presidential office of Cheong Wa Dae did not issue any official statement on Thursday. “It is not an issue that we should comment on because the U.S. government has taken a step based on their local laws,” said officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Unification. The Japanese government said it supports Washington’s stance on its latest sanctions.
This may be one of the purposes of the missile tests: to drive a wedge in the ROK/US alliance.
Biden slaps first sanctions over Pyongyang’s weapons programs
Posted January. 14, 2022 08:03,
Updated January. 14, 2022 08:03
Biden slaps first sanctions over Pyongyang’s weapons programs. January. 14, 2022 08:03. weappon@donga.com ,tree624@donga.com.
In response to North Korea’s hypersonic missile tests, U.S. President Joe Biden has taken a step to slap sanctions against the North. This marks Washington’s first sanction on Pyongyang’s Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and ballistic missiles since President Biden was sworn in. The Biden administration also said it will press ahead with additional sanctions on the North through the UN Security Council. The last time the UN Security Council imposed sanctions on North Korea was in December 2017. Experts say Washington has made it clear to pressure the communist regime in earnest.
"The United States will use every appropriate tool to address the DPRK's WMD and ballistic missile programs,” said U.S. Secretary of State Tony Blinken in a statement on Wednesday (local time), adding seven individuals and one entity had been designated as linked to the DPRK’s weapons programs.
The list of individuals includes Choe Myeong Hyon, Sim Gwang Sok, Kim Song Hoon, Kang Chol Hak, and Pyon Gwang Chol, who had been supplying telecommunications equipment for the development of North Korean missiles from China or Russia. They are high-ranking officials at Pyongyang’s Academy of Defense Science, an entity that led the missile development in North Korea. The blast of North Korea’s alleged hypersonic missiles was conducted by the Academy of Defense Science this time. The sanctions list also includes O Yong Ho and a Russian firm called Parsek LLC as well as a Russian national called Roman Anatolyevich Alar.
The Treasury said the sanctions are for six ballistic missile launches since September 2021, which violated multiple United Nations Security Council resolutions. While the Biden administration imposed sanctions on North Korean Defense Minister Rhee Yong Gil in December last year, it was for his human rights violations in prison camps.
U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield said Washington is proposing UN Security Council sanctions in response to Pyongyang’s six ballistic missile launches, in addition to the State Department and the Treasury’s designation.
The Korean presidential office of Cheong Wa Dae did not issue any official statement on Thursday. “It is not an issue that we should comment on because the U.S. government has taken a step based on their local laws,” said officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Unification. The Japanese government said it supports Washington’s stance on its latest sanctions.
7. Analysis: N.Korea’s 'hypersonic missile' tests raise military stakes in Asia
Excerpt:
...Chun In-bum, a retired South Korean general:
"The North Korea hypersonic weapon system will undoubtedly become better," he said. "This is bad news for everyone."
Analysis: N.Korea’s 'hypersonic missile' tests raise military stakes in Asia
A missile is launched during what state media report is a hypersonic missile test at an undisclosed location in North Korea, January 11, 2022, in this photo released January 12, 2022 by North Korea's Korean Central News Agency (KCNA). KCNA via REUTERS
SEOUL, Jan 14 (Reuters) - Even as debates swirl over their capability, a series of “hypersonic missiles” recently tested by nuclear-armed North Korea sparked sudden talk of preemptive strikes and arms races amid worry over the vulnerability of U.S. troops and their allies in Asia.
North Korea kicked off the new year with three missile tests in the space of two weeks, sparking reactions from Washington not seen since Pyongyang stopped testing its longest-range missiles, which can strike the United States, in 2017.
At least two of the latest tests were of what North Korea called "hypersonic missiles" while details on the third, launched on Friday, were not immediately available.
Thosehypersonic missiles, which have only regional reach, are not a threat to the continental United States. But the weapons - which can fly below defences and change course at high speed - represent a potential major upgrade in North Korea's striking power against its nearby adversaries, and experts say it is unclear how the U.S. and its Asian allies could counter that.
"These sorts of offense-defence races have been taking place globally for many decades now, and what we consistently see is that offence has the advantage," said Cameron Tracy, a researcher at Stanford University's Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC) in California. "North Korea will continue to deploy more missiles and to develop faster, more manoeuvrable systems that will keep South Korea vulnerable to attack."
In recent years the United States and South Korea - hoping to restart stalled talks with Pyongyang - have played down North Korea’s increasingly capable short-range missiles as concerning and a violation of United Nations Security Council resolutions, but not a standout threat.
This week, however, the Biden administration moved to impose its first sanctions over the North's missile program, and South Korea's leading presidential candidates are debating whether a preemptive strike was the only way to stop the new weapons.
Although, like most ballistic missiles, they travel at hypersonic speeds - more than five times the speed of sound - their key feature is the ability to manoeuvre and fly on lower trajectories than traditional ballistic missiles, making them harder to track and shoot down.
"In a worst-case scenario, North Korea could launch the missile in a ballistic curve which makes it appear to be a test into the sea, but then have it manoeuvre below or around radar systems and even turn a corner to strike a target in South Korea or Japan with a nuclear weapon," said Melissa Hanham, also a researcher at CISAC.
'BAD NEWS'
Analysts caution that it is far from clear how capable North Korea's new systems are or when they will be deployed. South Korea's military said the missile tested this year appears to have a conical manoeuvrable reentry vehicle (MaRV) for its warhead, rather than the more high-tech "glider" style seen on some missiles developed by China and other nations.
Many ballistic missile defence (BMD) systems are meant shoot down missiles following the high, arching flight of traditional ballistic projectiles, many of which touch the edge of space before plunging back to earth.
"If they are deployed, they will pose a stiffer challenge to BMD systems designed to handle medium-range missiles, like THAAD and Aegis, which are presently designed to guard against weapons approaching their targets on a more or less straight line," Joshua Pollack, editor of the Nonproliferation Review, said of North Korea's MaRV missiles.
Additionally, South Korea and the roughly 28,500 U.S. troops based there are so close that incoming missiles could fly on even lower trajectories, with a much shorter flight time, making defence more difficult said David Wright, a nuclear security researcher the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Wright's research shows that flying on such a "depressed trajectory" could also allow North Korea's latest missiles to evade defences in more distant places such as Japan, which hosts tens of thousands of U.S. troops.
Many South Koreans have become used to living under the threat of North Korean weapons, but governments in the United States and Japan can't ignore North Korea's advancing programmes, said Chun In-bum, a retired South Korean general.
"The North Korea hypersonic weapon system will undoubtedly become better," he said. "This is bad news for everyone."
PREEMPTIVE STRIKES
South Korea's defence ministry on Thursday insisted it could not only detect the new missiles but also intercept them.
Some of the candidates for South Korea's presidency don't seem so sure.
“Missiles that travel at speeds over Mach 5, if they are loaded with nuclear warheads, will reach the Seoul metropolitan area in less than a minute," leading conservative presidential candidate Yoon Suk-yeol told reporters on Tuesday. "Interception is practically impossible."
Yoon said diplomacy is needed to ensure a war never happens. But if diplomacy fails, Yoon added, preemptive strikes would be needed to stop an imminent launch.
North Korea hides its missiles, so there is no evidence that a preemptive strike would eliminate the threat, Wright said.
"If that vulnerability is a concern, which it should be, the only realistic response is to negotiate with North Korea to reduce the risk of such attacks," he said.
Reporting by Josh Smith. Editing by Gerry Doyle
8. Did the military prepare to shoot down a North Korean missile from the West Coast?
A mistake? An overreaction?
Excerpts:
Who issued the ground-stoppage and why remains a question.
The Defense Department deferred comment to U.S. Northern Command, which did not immediately respond to a Military Times query.
U.S. Strategic Command would not comment on the incident to the Drive, while NORAD denied having a role in the issuance of the ground-stop-order. Additionally, the FAA released a statement on the ground stop order which stopped short of a reason for the agency doing so. The FAA did not immediately respond to a Military Times request for comment.
Did the military prepare to shoot down a North Korean missile from the West Coast?
At around the same time North Korea said it fired off a hypersonic weapon, the Federal Aviation Administration issued a ground stop order for air traffic operating in the Western U.S. and Hawaii.
This was likely no coincidence, according to The War Zone. Both the overall duration of North Korea’s missile test and the grounding and subsequent resumption of U.S. flights occurred along the same timeline, the publication reported.
The War Zone reported that multiple pilot reports and radio communications from that day mention a “national security issue” as the reason for the temporary ground stop.
According to the War Zone, just before 2:30 pm PST on Jan. 10, North Korea test-launched a hypersonic missile eastward towards Japan and the U.S. By no later than 2:32 pm PST, ground stop orders were issued for Anchorage, Seattle, Oakland, and Los Angeles. Air traffic control messaging acquired by The War Zone indicated that NORAD advised of a missile launch from North Korea impacting air space from the Aleutian Islands south to Los Angeles.
Sixteen minutes later, according to The War Zone, NORAD issued another advisory, this time indicating that the North Korean missile had splashed in the waters off the coast of Japan and that regular air traffic could resume.
Additionally, the War Zone reports that NORAD advised the FAA to clear airspace around Vandenberg Space Force Base just minutes before the initial ground stop order to pilots was issued.
Vandenberg Space Force Base is located less than 200 north of Los Angeles and has long been the site of U.S. ballistic missile testing and employment. Additionally, Vandenberg is the home of a limited amount of Ground-Based Midcourse Defense missiles capable of intercepting ICBMs.
Who issued the ground-stoppage and why remains a question.
The Defense Department deferred comment to U.S. Northern Command, which did not immediately respond to a Military Times query.
U.S. Strategic Command would not comment on the incident to the Drive, while NORAD denied having a role in the issuance of the ground-stop-order. Additionally, the FAA released a statement on the ground stop order which stopped short of a reason for the agency doing so. The FAA did not immediately respond to a Military Times request for comment.
This is a developing story. Stay with Military Times for updates.
James R. Webb is a rapid response reporter for Military Times. He served as a US Marine infantryman in Iraq. Additionally, he has worked as a Legislative Assistant in the US Senate and as an embedded photographer in Afghanistan.
9. North Korea Threatens ‘Stronger’ Reaction as U.S. Seeks Sanctions Over Missile Tests
"Isn't that special?" (in the voice of Dana Carvey) KimJong-un accuses the US of having a hostile policy as it conducts its third missile test of 2022. We have to start calling out Kim for his actual hostile policy.
Excerpt:
Washington has repeatedly urged North Korea to return to talks, but the country has said it would not until it was convinced that the United States would remove its “hostile” policy, including sanctions.
North Korea Threatens ‘Stronger’ Reaction as U.S. Seeks Sanctions Over Missile Tests
The country’s warning came as tensions have crept up over its six missile tests in recent months.
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A television news broadcast this month in South Korea showing file footage of a North Korean missile test.
By
Jan. 13, 2022, 8:25 p.m. ET
SEOUL — North Korea warned on Friday that it would take “stronger and certain reaction” if the United States helped impose more sanctions on the North in response to its recent series of missile tests.
The statement by the North’s Foreign Ministry came after a proposal by the United States that the U.N. Security Council place fresh sanctions on North Korea following its six ballistic and other missile tests since September 2021.
The tit for tat between North Korea and the United States raised tensions at a sensitive time in the region, as China geared up for hosting the Winter Olympics in Beijing next month and South Korea for its presidential election on March 9.
Separately on Wednesday, the Biden administration blacklisted five North Korean officials active in Russia and China who Washington said were responsible for procuring goods for North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile-related programs.
All the tests violated U.N. Security Council resolutions that banned North Korea from developing or testing ballistic missile technologies or technologies used to make and deliver nuclear weapons. But the North’s Foreign Ministry insisted on Friday that it was exercising “its right to self-defense” and that the missile tests were “part of its efforts for modernizing its national defense capability.”
“The U.S. is intentionally escalating the situation even with the activation of independent sanctions, not content with referring the D.P.R.K.’s just activity to the U.N. Security Council,” the ministry said in a statement, using the acronym for the North’s official name, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. It added, “If the U.S. adopts such a confrontational stance, the D.P.R.K. will be forced to take stronger and certain reaction to it.”
The statement did not elaborate on North Korea’s possible future actions. But the country has resumed missile tests since meetings between its leader, Kim Jong-un, and Donald J. Trump, then president, ended without an agreement on how to roll back the North’s nuclear weapons program or when to lift sanctions.
Those tests indicated that the North was developing more sophisticated ways of delivering nuclear and other warheads to South Korea, Japan and American bases there on its shorter-range missiles, according to defense analysts. Some of the missiles it has tested since 2019 have used solid fuel and have made midair maneuvers, making them harder to intercept, the analysts said.
North Korea has not resumed testing any long-range missiles of the kind that could directly threaten the continental United States since it conducted three intercontinental ballistic missile tests in 2017. But since the Kim-Trump diplomacy collapsed, North Korea has warned that it no longer felt bound by its self-imposed moratorium on nuclear and long-range missile tests. It has since unveiled its largest-ever, still-untested ICBM during a military parade and exhibition.
During a Workers’ Party meeting in January last year, Mr. Kim vowed to make more sophisticated short-range nuclear missiles, hypersonic missiles, large ICBMs and submarine-launched long-range missiles, as well as to place military spy satellites into orbit.
On Friday, North Korea reiterated that its missile tests “did not target any specific country or force and it did not do any harm to the security of neighboring countries.” But in the test on Tuesday, the North’s hypersonic missile traversed the country from west to east and then veered to the northeast, flying over the waters between the Russian Far East and Japan toward the Pacific, according to its trajectory graphic in one of the photos released in North Korean state media.
The missile hit a target 621 miles away, the North said. And as the missile hurtled out of North Korea at up to 10 times the speed of sound, aviation regulators briefly halted flights out of some airports on the U.S. West Coast as a precaution.
It was the first missile test that Mr. Kim had attended since March 2020, according to reports in North Korean media.
The test prompted South Korea to reassure its residents this week that its military can detect and intercept the North’s new missiles.
Washington has repeatedly urged North Korea to return to talks, but the country has said it would not until it was convinced that the United States would remove its “hostile” policy, including sanctions.
China, which can veto Washington’s attempt to impose more sanctions at the Security Council, called for dialogue.
“Willful sanctions do not help resolve the Korean Peninsula issue, but only worsen the confrontational mood,” Wang Wenbin, a spokesman of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, said during a news briefing on Wednesday.
10. North Korea’s goals in 2022: internal stability and nuclear development
Important analysis from Dr. Dueyon Kim. She makes an important point about the 8th Party Congress in January 2021:
Some observers, particularly in the South Korean government, have stressed that Kim did not mention “strategic nuclear weapons” this January, implying they still have hope for a diplomatic breakthrough this year. However, such articulation was not necessary in 2022; Kim laid out his goal to develop “ultra-modern nuclear weapons” in his five-year plan at the 8th Party Congress last January.
In the past few years, North Korea has been focused on developing what it calls “tactical weapons,” designed to evade and defeat ballistic missile defense systems in the region. They are more maneuverable and can fly at low altitudes. Pyongyang has been demonstrating its ability to produce them through a barrage of tests, including these: a “tactical guided weapon” in April 2019; new solid-fuel short-range ballistic missiles resembling the Russian Iskander in May 2019; an improved variant of the KN-23 Iskander-style short-range ballistic missiles in March 2020; a “hypersonic missile Hwasong-8” in October 2021; and a maneuverable reentry vehicle (MaRV) described by Pyo
I have not seen any evidence that any of the strategies laid out in the 8th Party Congress documents has changed. Here is my summary of the results of the 8th Party Congress and I would argue that Kim's actions up through today's third launch is consistent with this strategy. Just because they did not repeat the strategy in the meeting last month does not mean this strategy has been tossed aside. The 18,4000 statement from the last meeting was additive to the 8th Party Congress scraggy.
•Political Warfare
•Subversion, coercion, extortion
•“Blackmail diplomacy” – the use of tension, threats, and provocations to gain political and economic concessions
•Example: Kim Yo-jong threats in June – ROK anti-leaflet law in December
•Negotiate to set conditions - not to denuclearize
•Set Conditions for unification (domination to complete the revolution)
•Split ROK/US alliance
•Reduce/weaken defense of the South
•Exploit regional powers (e.g, China and Russia)
•Economics by Juche ideology – the paradox of “reform”
•Illicit activities to generate funds for regime
•Deny human rights to ensure regime survival
•Continue to exploit COVID threat to suppress dissent and crack down on 400+ markets and foreign currency use
•Priority to military and nuclear programs
•For deterrence or domination?
North Korea’s goals in 2022: internal stability and nuclear development - Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists
People walk past a television screen showing a news broadcast with file footage of a North Korean missile test, at a railway station in Seoul on January 11, after North Korea fired a "suspected ballistic missile" into the sea, South Korea's military said, less than a week after Pyongyang reported testing a hypersonic missile. (Photo by Anthony Wallace/AFP via Getty Images)
When North Korean state media reported that the Workers Party’s convened a plenary meeting of its 8th Central Committee on December 27, it signaled that Kim Jong Un might not deliver a New Year’s Day address this year. Sure enough, state media instead reported on the results of the five-day plenum in place of a grand speech on January 1. The first time Kim replaced his New Year’s Address with a readout of a Party Plenum in the final days of the previous year was in 2020 when he ordered his people to “tighten our [sic] belts” to “defeat imperialism.” Last year, Kim skipped his New Year’s Day address, and in its place, state media delivered a report of his 8th Workers’ Party Congress, which was held from January 5 to 7.
There now seems to be a pattern developing of North Korean leaders forgoing new year’s messages, apparently indicating harsh times or a reflection of a decisive moment for the future of the regime, as seen in 1957, 1987, 2020, and 2021.
The latest test launches of what Pyongyang claimed was a hypersonic missile on January 5 and on January 11 further demonstrate that North Korea will continue to push ahead with manufacturing and perfecting the nuclear weapons and weapons systems that Kim had ordered last January. Taken together, his remarks at the January 2021 Party Congress and December 2021 Party Plenum suggest that North Korea will be inward focused this year, prioritizing internal stability and advanced nuclear weapons development. The regime’s foreign policy tactics will likely be devised depending on the coronavirus pandemic, its perception of the Biden’s administration’s policy toward North Korea, and developments in its external environment.
Internal stability and rural development first in 2022. Kim’s orders for this year’s work plan are to push forward with self-reliance, economic development, nuclear development, and ideological campaigns to eradicate practices that go against socialism. North Korea did not mention major economic achievements in the past year. Instead, the Party Plenum’s third agenda item, out of six, stood out: solving its “socialist rural question.” It heavily emphasized the need to develop and modernize its farming and rural communities—with a central focus on agriculture and food production. These indicators, coupled with a cautious, self-reflective tone about the past year, suggest a sense of urgency to implement this year’s economic plan properly because of apparent failures last year. Achieving economic growth is one key component to reinforcing Kim Jong Un’s legitimacy as a ruler.
Kim’s focus on agriculture seems to reflect Pyongyang’s ideology of Juche, or self-reliance, by laying the foundation to become a self-sufficient economy and to solve its chronic food shortages on its own without outside help. Self-reliance across all sectors has always been a national goal, but the coronavirus pandemic seems to have accelerated and energized efforts toward it. North Korea had long depended on Chinese and international aid until now, but Pyongyang closed the country’s borders to trade and expelled foreign aid workers and diplomats in an attempt at preventing the importation of the COVID-19 virus. Kim’s emphasis on COVID-prevention is not only for sheer survival; it also appears to be an effort to push the country to become self-sufficient.
North Korea plans to tighten state control and root out non-socialist practices in its rural regions by implementing an “ideological revolution in farms” to “turn them into communists … armed with the Juche idea … [to] powerfully propel socialist construction” and make “collectivism dominant in their thinking and life.” The pandemic may have forced North Korea into isolation and exacerbated food shortages and economic stagnation, but it might have also provided Pyongyang with an opportunity to tighten its control over its people and reinforce the regime’s socialist and communist roots.
Strategic goals and “hypersonic” missile tests. Some observers, particularly in the South Korean government, have stressed that Kim did not mention “strategic nuclear weapons” this January, implying they still have hope for a diplomatic breakthrough this year. However, such articulation was not necessary in 2022; Kim laid out his goal to develop “ultra-modern nuclear weapons” in his five-year plan at the 8th Party Congress last January.
In the past few years, North Korea has been focused on developing what it calls “tactical weapons,” designed to evade and defeat ballistic missile defense systems in the region. They are more maneuverable and can fly at low altitudes. Pyongyang has been demonstrating its ability to produce them through a barrage of tests, including these: a “tactical guided weapon” in April 2019; new solid-fuel short-range ballistic missiles resembling the Russian Iskander in May 2019; an improved variant of the KN-23 Iskander-style short-range ballistic missiles in March 2020; a “hypersonic missile Hwasong-8” in October 2021; and a maneuverable reentry vehicle (MaRV) described by Pyongyang as a “hypersonic missile” on January 5 and Jan 11 this year.
Missile expert Vann H. Van Diepen points out that hypersonic glide vehicles would be a “niche contributor” to Pyongyang’s diverse ballistic missile forces by providing another option to “avoid and attack missile defense,” but that it would take more tests and several years to develop and deploy a credible and reliable system. The latest “hypersonic” missile tests are making good on Kim Jong Un’s orders last year to produce hypersonic weapons. Indeed, Pyongyang released a statement after its January 11 test saying that last year’s 8th Party Congress “set forth a strategic task of developing the hypersonic missile sector on a preferential basis … in order to bolster up the country’s war deterrent.”
Recent advances in its missile program indicate that North Korea aims to secure a second-strike nuclear capability, make its missiles modern and more survivable, reassure the North Korean people of its military might in regard to the United States, and credibly gain entrance into the nuclear club. Yet, the same movements raise questions as to whether the regime is also aiming for a credible first-strike capability. The weapons Pyongyang has tested and paraded during Kim Jong Un’s rule may not be reliable yet. But they demonstrate the regime’s goals, which will be achieved in time in the absence of a diplomatic agreement with the United States that can be completely implemented, regardless of changing administrations in Washington.
In the meantime, a rudimentary ballistic or hypersonic missile tipped with a nuclear warhead—even if not highly reliable—would still constitute a threat to South Korea and Japan and foreign citizens living there. Plus, the perception of acquiring advanced nuclear capabilities would arm North Korea with political leverage ahead of any future negotiations with the United States.
A tense diplomatic holding pattern. The readout of the Party Plenum notably paid very little attention to international affairs. It said that Kim Jong Un set forth “principled issues and a series of tactical orientation[s]” regarding “north-south relations and external affairs to cope with the rapidly changing international political situation and the circumstances in the surroundings.” While details were scant in the readout, Kim Jong Un stressed the need for the country to strengthen its military and defense capabilities while putting “weapons and equipment on a regular readiness.” This implies that Pyongyang will wait to see moves by the United States and South Korea. North Korea is apparently in no rush to exert itself internationally because of its urgent internal priorities during the pandemic.
Pyongyang’s domestic and strategic blueprint for this year comes amid uncertainties in the future geopolitical and security landscapes. The US-China strategic competition continues to intensify, Beijing will host the Winter Olympics in February, South Korea will elect a new president in March, and annual US-South Korea military exercises are on schedule for March as well.
The lack of policy agreement among key regional players and their preoccupation with more pressing domestic or foreign policy challenges continue to push the North Korean nuclear issue further down their priority lists. It’s a golden opportunity for Pyongyang to advance its strategic objectives without facing penalties from the international community. At this rate, the world may well again wake up to find North Korea in possession of even more dangerous nuclear weapons.
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11. Opinion | We can’t neglect North Korea for another year
I doubt very much if any humanitarian assistance will result in a breakthrough in north Korea. That said we can and should (at least try)to provide humanitarian assistance simply because iit's the right thing to do and because COVID is a global pandemic that must be addressed and managed if it cannot be eradicted.
Excerpts:
Kim’s recent actions indicate that he might be ready to accept a larger covid-19 humanitarian package that would include the best vaccines (which are made in the United States) and therapeutics. The United States should at least test that proposition — not by offering this aid directly, but by working through international organizations, said Stephen Biegun, who was the U.S. special representative to North Korea and deputy secretary of state in the Trump administration.
Kim may not be willing to negotiate on security issues regardless, Biegun said, because he could be waiting for a new South Korean president to take office in Seoul later this year. But even if humanitarian outreach doesn’t result in a diplomatic breakthrough, finding a way to get vaccines into North Korea is a public health imperative for the rest of us.
“North Korea is a country of 25 million people with severe health problems and the potential for being a petri dish for the development of variants,” Biegun said. “Every North Korean getting vaccinated is as important as every American, European, Chinese and African getting vaccinated.”
But the tone of this OpEed is like so many others. It focuses on blaming the US. It is of course fine to criticize the administration (especially the point about our lack of ambassadors to the ROK and for nK human rights) but there is never sufficient recognition that the problem is Kim Jong-un and his hostile policy. We fail to keep in the forefront of our minds that the root of all problems in Korea is the existence of the most evil mafia- like crime family cult known as the Kim family regime that has the objective of dominating the Korean Peninsula under the rule of the Guerrilla Dynasty and Gulag State.
Opinion | We can’t neglect North Korea for another year
Kim Jong Un seems determined to force the world to pay attention to North Korea in 2022 by shooting off new and more dangerous missiles. Dealing with the Kim regime is the last thing Biden administration officials want to do, but they really have no choice. The good news is that there might be a new and creative way to break the increasingly dangerous diplomatic logjam.
Already this month, Pyongyang has conducted three tests of a new ballistic missile that it claims has hypersonic capability — which, if true, would severely undermine the protection of U.S. and allied regional missile defenses. The U.S. government has responded according to its usual pattern, by issuing a disapproving statement with allies at the United Nations and announcing new sanctions on North Korea’s weapons programs. What is still missing is a U.S. strategy aimed at solving the ever-worsening problem.
But Biden’s version of “strategic patience" is unsustainable. The North Korean missile and nuclear threat is growing apace, and North Korea has one of the largest unvaccinated populations in the world. For most of 2020, North Korea rejected offers of the Sinovac and AstroZeneca vaccines, citing concerns about their efficacy while insisting that there were zero cases of covid-19 in the country.
Kim’s lockdown forced all humanitarian organizations and most foreign diplomats to leave Pyongyang in 2020. But in late 2021, North Korea resumed accepting medical supplies from the World Health Organization and allowed the International Red Cross to conduct some anti-pandemic work inside the country. That presents a diplomatic opportunity, said several North Korea experts and former officials I spoke with this week.
“The one thing that is different right now is covid, and Kim Jong Un wakes up each day like every leader in the world and wants to know how to get his population vaccinated,” said Victor Cha, the National Security Council’s director for Asian affairs during the George W. Bush administration. “There might be a humanitarian opening here that didn’t exist in the past that could lead to broader negotiations on the security side.”
Kim’s recent actions indicate that he might be ready to accept a larger covid-19 humanitarian package that would include the best vaccines (which are made in the United States) and therapeutics. The United States should at least test that proposition — not by offering this aid directly, but by working through international organizations, said Stephen Biegun, who was the U.S. special representative to North Korea and deputy secretary of state in the Trump administration.
Kim may not be willing to negotiate on security issues regardless, Biegun said, because he could be waiting for a new South Korean president to take office in Seoul later this year. But even if humanitarian outreach doesn’t result in a diplomatic breakthrough, finding a way to get vaccines into North Korea is a public health imperative for the rest of us.
“North Korea is a country of 25 million people with severe health problems and the potential for being a petri dish for the development of variants,” Biegun said. “Every North Korean getting vaccinated is as important as every American, European, Chinese and African getting vaccinated.”
Biden has shown little inclination to devote energy to North Korea. The State Department’s special representative is also a full-time ambassador. The White House hasn’t even bothered to nominate anyone for the positions of North Korean human rights envoy or ambassador to South Korea. Even if the vaccine offer does kick-start diplomacy, the Biden team may not want to devote time and effort to another low-reward, high-risk set of negotiations with the Kim regime.
But it must return to the negotiating process, said former nuclear negotiator Joel Wit, who notes that what happens in Pyongyang doesn’t stay in Pyongyang. An arms race is heating up in Northeast Asia, and North Korea is winning, he said.
“It’s trench warfare, and it’s ugly and unglamorous and politically fraught, but the administration has to find a way to sit down with the North Koreans, and maybe the foot in the door is vaccinations,” said Wit, now a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center.
China uses vaccines to coerce and threaten other countries. The United States should use them to build bridges, starting in North Korea but then on a global scale. Right now, our neglect of North Korea and several other poor countries is harming our health security and our national security, which are intertwined more than ever.
12. North Korean hackers stole $400 million in cryptocurrency last year — and they're in no rush to cash out
North Korean hackers stole $400 million in cryptocurrency last year — and they're in no rush to cash out
North Korea-linked hackers stole nearly $400 million in cryptocurrency last year.
Kim Won Jin/AFP/Getty Images
- After dipping in 2019, the number of North Korean-linked hacks grew in 2020 and 2021.
- Ether accounted for about 60% of the funds stolen in 2021.
- Many of these attacks were likely carried out by the Lazarus Group linked to the WannaCry ransomware attack.
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North Korea stole nearly $400 million worth in cryptocurrency in 2021, making it a "banner year" for the country's cybercriminals, according to blockchain analysis firm Chainalysis.
The attacks were targeted at investment firms and centralized exchanges, Chainalysis said in a report released on Thursday. Ether accounted for about 60% of the funds stolen last year, while bitcoin made up just 20% of the pilfered cryptocurrencies.
"Once North Korea gained custody of the funds, they began a careful laundering process to cover up and cash out," said the report.
After dipping in 2019, the number of North Korean-linked hacks grew in 2020 and 2021, with the value extracted from these hacks growing by 40%, Chainalysis noted.
Many of these attacks were likely carried out by the Lazarus Group, which is linked to the WannaCry ransomware attack in 2017 and another major attack on Sony Pictures in 2014.
But the group has since concentrated its efforts on cryptocurrency crime, stealing and laundering virtual currencies over $200 million in value each year, said Chainalysis.
Chainalysis also identified $170 million in current balances that are controlled by North Korea but have yet to be laundered — one-third or $55 million of the amount was from attacks carried out in 2016, "meaning that DPRK has massive unlaundered balances as much as six years old," referring to the country by its official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
"It's unclear why the hackers would still be sitting on these funds, but it could be that they are hoping law enforcement interest in the cases will die down, so they can cash out without being watched," said Chainalysis.
"Whatever the reason may be, the length of time that DPRK is willing to hold on to these funds is illuminating, because it suggests a careful plan, not a desperate and hasty one," the analysis firm added.
The United Nations said North Korea-linked hackers stole $316 million in 2020 to support the country's faltering economy and fund its nuclear weapons program.
North Korea has routinely denied hacking allegations.
13. North Korean hackers stole $400 million in cryptocurrency in 2021: report
North Korean hackers stole $400 million in cryptocurrency in 2021: report
A man holds a laptop computer as cyber code is projected on him in this May 13, 2017, illustration. North Korea launched at least seven attacks on cryptocurrency platforms that extracted nearly $400 million worth of digital assets last year, one of its most successful years on record, according to a report. Reuters-Yonhap
North Korea launched at least seven attacks on cryptocurrency platforms that extracted nearly $400 million worth of digital assets last year, one of its most successful years on record, blockchain analysis firm Chainalysis said in a new report.
"From 2020 to 2021, the number of North Korean-linked hacks jumped from four to seven, and the value extracted from these hacks grew by 40 percent," said the report, which was released Thursday.
"Once North Korea gained custody of the funds, they began a careful laundering process to cover up and cash out," the report added.
A United Nations panel of experts that monitors sanctions on North Korea has accused Pyongyang of using stolen funds to support its nuclear and ballistic missile programs to circumvent sanctions.
North Korea does not respond to media inquiries, but has previously released statements denying allegations of hacking.
Last year the United States charged three North Korean computer programmers working for the country's intelligence service with a massive, years-long hacking spree aimed at stealing more than $1.3 billion in money and cryptocurrency, affecting companies from banks to Hollywood movie studios.
Chainalysis did not identify all the targets of the hacks, but said they were primarily investment firms and centralized exchanges, including Liquid.com, which announced in August that an unauthorized user had gained access to some of the cryptocurrency wallets it managed.
The attackers used phishing lures, code exploits, malware and advanced social engineering to siphon funds out of these organizations' internet-connected 'hot' wallets into North Korea-controlled addresses, the report said.
Many of last year's attacks were likely carried out by the Lazarus Group, a hacking group sanctioned by the United States, which said it was controlled by the Reconnaissance General Bureau, North Korea's primary intelligence agency.
The group has been accused of involvement in the "WannaCry" ransomware attacks, hacking of international banks and customer accounts, and the 2014 cyber-attacks on Sony Pictures Entertainment.
North Korea also appeared to step up efforts to launder stolen cryptocurrency, significantly increasing its use of mixers, or software tools that pool and scramble cryptocurrencies from thousands of addresses, Chainalysis said.
The report said researchers had identified $170 million in old, unlaundered cryptocurrency holdings from 49 separate hacks spanning from 2017 to 2021.
The report said it is unclear why the hackers would still be sitting on these funds, but said they could be hoping to outwit law enforcement interest before cashing out.
"Whatever the reason may be, the length of time that (North Korea) is willing to hold on to these funds is illuminating, because it suggests a careful plan, not a desperate and hasty one," Chainalysis concluded. (Reuters)
14. Why Is North Korea Quiet? by John Bolton
Quiet? Perhaps because actions speak louder than words?
Again, it is Kim Jong-un that deserves the blame.
Decades of failed diplomacy have brought us to this point. It would be a grave mistake to continue under the illusion that somehow we will see better results, and an even graver mistake simply to allow North Korea to achieve its nuclear objectives. But if a democratic debate produces no support for more robust alternatives to prevent Pyongyang’s triumph, then those in America who brought us to this point should at least be held accountable for the consequences of their grievously erroneous policies.
The problem is that the ROK and US political leadership do not want to admit what the problem is and accept what is the bottomline (at least in public): The only way we are going to see an end to the nuclear program and military threats as well as the human rights abuses and crimes against humanity being committed against the Korean people living in the north by the mafia-like crime family cult known as the Kim family regime is through achievement of unification and the establishment of a United Republic of Korea that is secure and stable, non-nuclear, economically vibrant, and unified under a liberal constitutional form of government based on individual liberty, rule of law, and human rights as determined by the Korean people. In short, a United Republic of Korea (UROK).
Why Is North Korea Quiet?
Why does North Korea seem so quiet? Russia has sent troops into Kazakhstan and threatens Ukraine. China menaces Taiwan and the South China Sea. Iran has Joe Biden’s negotiators doing contortions to resurrect the 2015 nuclear deal, and is threatening American officials. The Taliban has induced America’s catastrophic withdrawal from Afghanistan, freeing ISIS-K and al Qaeda to plot terrorist attacks worldwide. President Joe Biden’s credibility is in shreds.
Is North Korea missing an opportunity? Or is Washington misreading the Pyongyang’s apparent passivity?
We should never judge the surface appearance of passivity in North Korea to mean its nuclear and ballistic-missile threats are sleeping. Agitprop experts have played cat-and-mouse for decades with Korea watchers, who try to discern the significance and timing of nuclear and missile tests, military maneuvers, parade displays, leadership speeches and more. Such scrutiny is warranted because authoritarian societies manipulate public symbols for domestic and international effect, oftentimes better than representative governments.
However, missile and nuclear-weapons programs have their own logics and timetables. Some tests are indeed scheduled as propaganda, but others occur simply because of programmatic imperatives. Long periods without detectable testing do not inevitably mean Pyongyang’s weapons’ programs are on hold, as President Donald Trump used to boast. North Korea can make considerable progress in hidden or underground facilities, and schedule detectable testing only when necessary. Trump never appreciated Donald Rumsfeld’s maxim that the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence.
Quite the contrary. Pyongyang works clandestinely (or in Iranian facilities) until more observable operations are required to resolve bottleneck issues, followed by more apparent quietude. For example, while there have been no long-range ICBM tests since 2017, other, shorter-range launches have tested technology readily transferrable to ICBMs, but without the attendant publicity. Recent missile shots, for example, have no apparent symbolism. Sometimes a test is just a test.
North Korea’s remaining hurdles in developing deliverable nuclear weapons (now potentially via hypersonic cruise missiles) include perfecting the technology necessary for accurate targeting, and ensuring that nuclear payloads remain viable after atmospheric re-entry or punishing flight trajectories. This really is rocket science. Needless to say, moreover, testing highly sophisticated weapons systems is not cheap. In North Korea, more than just one’s scientific career depends on getting development and testing schedules (and results) right.
Today, Pyongyang is waiting for South Korea’s March 9 presidential election. Incumbent President Moon Jae-in’s declining approval ratings have made him a lame duck for months, and Kim Jung-un has had no incentive to aid Moon’s increasingly frenetic legacy-building efforts. Although Kim prefers victory by whomever supports the most abject policy toward his regime, he may grasp the uncertainty and risk inherent in trying to help one candidate over another: better not to gamble and unwittingly boost a harder-line nominee. Kim’s diplomatic profile is so low the North has announced its team will not attend the Winter Olympics in China, its closest ally. What Kim decides to do after March 9, particularly whether he makes the first post-election move, is impossible to predict now.
America’s problem, however, is not only what Pyongyang is up to. We are also at risk from Biden’s reversion to Barack Obama’s policy of “strategic patience,” a euphemism for doing nothing on North Korea, hoping it does nothing dangerous in return. Unfortunately, Biden’s inaction and inattention simply means the North has lulled three successive Presidents into ignoring the unpleasant truth that it is coming ever closer to having deliverable nuclear weapons.
Patience is not the answer. Washington’s first priority must be ramping up intelligence collection against Pyongyang’s hypersonic program. How advanced is it, and do we face a contemporary equivalent of the A.Q. Khan nuclear-proliferation network? What assistance did the North receive from Russia or China? Moscow and Beijing have long denied ongoing aid to North Korea’s (or Iran’s) nuclear and missile efforts, but hypersonic cruise-missile capabilities don’t appear by magic. America’s major strategic adversaries gain significant advantages by transferring advanced technology to rogue states. thereby threatening the U.S. and its allies. Finally, the continuing risks of Pyongyang-Tehran cooperation on both nuclear and delivery systems must receive higher priority, along with any evidence of North Korea itself proliferating nuclear and missile capabilities to other rogue states or terrorist groups.
With time growing very short, America must increase pressure on China. For decades, China claimed it feared a nuclear North Korea would threaten peace and security in northeast Asia. Translated from diplo-speak, that means China worries that Japan, perceiving a less-credible U.S. nuclear umbrella, would obtain its own nuclear weapons. If Beijing’s line is anything but propaganda, it must now apply its enormous leverage, especially economic, to compel North Korea to discontinue its nuclear efforts. If Xi Jinping balks, that should wake up even the Biden Administration to Beijing’s duplicity, and the far-larger ramifications for the U.S. and its allies from China’s growing global threat.
We are long past the point of believing North Korea will ever voluntarily give up its nuclear program. It has routinely pledged to do so before, and then violated its commitments. There is, and never has been, a shred of evidence the Kim family dictatorship is prepared to make an explicit strategic decision to renounce nuclear weapons. This reality should compel those who have said a North Korean nuclear capability is “unacceptable” (meaning essentially all high-ranking American politicians) to say what they really mean. If they truly believe nuclear weapons for Pyongyang are “unacceptable,” then they should not accept it. They should be prepared to take the steps necessary to ensure it does not happen. Either China must do what it alone can do, and force North Korea to abandon its nuclear aspirations, or we must consider regime change, subversion, clandestine operations or outright military action. No one can argue today these options are premature or would “impede diplomatic efforts,” which have in any case been unsuccessful for thirty years.
Unfortunately, and despite their public anti-nuclear rhetoric about North Korea, many U.S. politicians, privately, are almost certainly ready to give up trying to stop Pyongyang. They would prefer to “manage” a nuclear Pyongyang, and hope for the best. We are creeping toward that result daily. Perhaps those palpably unwilling to confront the implications of the North’s current pathway should just admit they are prepared to accept a nuclear North Korea. Then, at least we could have an open debate on the full ramifications of a nuclear Pyongyang, including the threat to innocent civilians in Japan, the United States and others, and the massive risks and dangers of onward proliferation to terrorists or rogue states by the Kim regime.
Decades of failed diplomacy have brought us to this point. It would be a grave mistake to continue under the illusion that somehow we will see better results, and an even graver mistake simply to allow North Korea to achieve its nuclear objectives. But if a democratic debate produces no support for more robust alternatives to prevent Pyongyang’s triumph, then those in America who brought us to this point should at least be held accountable for the consequences of their grievously erroneous policies.
15. Panetta: US Should Tell North Korea Provocations Put Regime at Risk
VOA doing its job. Providing critical journalism about American policy.
Excerpts:
Leon Panetta, secretary of defense and CIA director during the Obama administration, said the United States and its allies “must make clear that we’re not going to tolerate aggression” by the North Koreans, and “if they continue to take provocative actions, they are endangering themselves” and “putting their own regime at risk.”
In an interview Wednesday with VOA’s Korean Service, Panetta said, “That, I think, needs to be the message that we continue to send” to the North Koreans – “that if they act this way, they are going to confront not only the United States but our allies.”
Panetta: US Should Tell North Korea Provocations Put Regime at Risk
January 13, 2022 10:44 PM
Young Gyo Kim
Christy Lee
WASHINGTON —
The Biden administration should send a strong message to Pyongyang in response to North Korea’s recent missile tests, a former U.S. defense secretary said.
Leon Panetta, secretary of defense and CIA director during the Obama administration, said the United States and its allies “must make clear that we’re not going to tolerate aggression” by the North Koreans, and “if they continue to take provocative actions, they are endangering themselves” and “putting their own regime at risk.”
In an interview Wednesday with VOA’s Korean Service, Panetta said, “That, I think, needs to be the message that we continue to send” to the North Koreans – “that if they act this way, they are going to confront not only the United States but our allies.”
North Korea test-fired what it claimed was a supersonic missile on Tuesday. The test followed its first test of the year conducted on January 5, which the regime claimed also was a supersonic missile.
Calling North Korea’s recent missile tests “very provocative,” Panetta said it would become “much more difficult to be able to defend against it” now that Pyongyang has raised the possibility of developing a hypersonic missile “that can go almost 10 times the speed of sound.”
Status quo not possible
“It’s very important that the administration not just assume (it) can take a status quo approach to North Korea,” Panetta said. “When you’re dealing with an adversary … your relations are either getting better or they’re getting worse.
“Right now, it’s getting worse,” he said.
In response to Panetta’s comments, the U.S. State Department told VOA’s Korean Service on Thursday that “the United States harbors no hostile intent” toward North Korea, and that it is “prepared to meet” with Pyongyang “without preconditions” for denuclearization talks.
The spokesperson said Washington hopes Pyongyang will “respond positively” to its outreach as it continues “to consult closely with Republic of Korea, Japan, and other allies and partners about how to best engage” North Korea.
In response to North Korea’s missile launches, the U.S. on Wednesday imposed sanctions targeting five North Koreans for procuring goods for the regime’s weapons programs.
Panetta said, “The only way you get North Korea’s attention” for serious negotiations “is by taking steps that challenge North Koreans.” He suggested the U.S. and South Korea “reopen exercises of our military capabilities.”
The U.S. had held off large-scale military exercises with South Korea since 2018 to accommodate denuclearization talks with the former Trump administration.
Some analysts question whether a strong message from Washington would move Pyongyang toward talks.
Ken Gause, director of the Adversary Analytics Program at CNA, said, “We have not offered any carrots” that “we can take away.” Gause continued, “North Korea has nothing to lose” and is “not going to pay any attention” to what the regime perceives as “empty threats” by the U.S.
Harry Kazianis, senior director of Korean Studies at the Center for the National Interest, said North Korea is likely “to match any perceived provocation with an action of its own.”
After the second test launch, North Korea warned on Friday, January 14 Pyongyang time, that it will take “stronger” action in response to the sanctions the U.S. imposed on the regime over its missile tests.
Consequences of failed policy
Panetta said Pyongyang is likely to continue its nuclear and missile activities to raise tensions further.
“It’s only a matter of time (until) they renew testing of an intercontinental missile and testing of their nuclear capabilities,” Panetta said. “The path we’re on right now, I don’t think this is a good path.”
North Korea last tested a long-range missile and a nuclear weapon in 2017 while its leader Kim Jong Un and President Donald Trump exchanged harsh rhetoric throughout the year.
Trump’s “fire and fury” remarks unleashed at Kim that year drastically turned to showers of praise after the two held a historic summit in Singapore in June 2018.
“President Trump was very naïve in the way he approached Kim Jong Un in thinking that somehow just through the strength of personality alone, they could arrive at a denuclearization agreement,” Panetta said.
“I don’t think leaders ought to meet unless there is an effort by both countries to lay the groundwork for those discussions,” Panetta continued.
Panetta thinks the Biden administration must deal with the consequences of Trump’s failed policy that focused on personal diplomacy with Kim.
“The failure to achieve anything has led to the tension that we’re now facing,” he said. “Kim Jong Un is trying to figure out how does he get the attention of the world again,” he continued. “That’s why he’s conducting these tests.”
China’s role
Panetta suggested China could play a positive role in diplomatic efforts to persuade North Korea to abandon nuclear weapons despite Washington-Beijing rivalry.
“The relationship has gotten a lot more tense between the United States and China, but I still think there’s a possibility that China might be able to serve as perhaps a go-between here to try to see if we can be successful at opening up discussions,” Panetta said.
China, as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, approved sanctions on North Korea in 2016 and 2017 passed in response to its nuclear and missile tests.
Jiha Ham of VOA’s Korean Service contributed to this report.
16. North Korean tire shortage grounds vehicles, disrupts commerce
This has military implications as well as effects on market activity.
North Korean tire shortage grounds vehicles, disrupts commerce
Company officials say that cars have sat for months as even used tires are hard to come by.
By Chang Gyu Ahn
2022.01.13
A shortage of tires in North Korea is forcing many of the nation’s motor vehicles off the road, crippling the ability of some companies to carry out normal business operations, company officials in the country told RFA.
Automobiles are a relatively rare sight on the northern half of the Korean peninsula, especially outside of the capital Pyongyang. Even there, usually only the wealthy elites own cars.
Most of the motor vehicles in the country are attached to either the military or to state-owned companies.
The shortage is yet another effect of a two-year-long border closure and trade ban with China due to the coronavirus. Sources said domestic production of tires is negligible and importing tires has been almost impossible.
“New tires are very rare and even used tires are hard to find,” an administrative official at a transportation company in the northeastern province of North Hamgyong, who requested anonymity for security reasons, told RFA’s Korean Service on Jan. 9.
“Tire shortages have occurred in the past, but it is extremely difficult to find them these days, just like it was during the Arduous March,” the source said, referring to the 1994-1998 North Korean famine and economic collapse which killed millions of people.
The source said that two of the four cars owned by his company cannot be used due to the tire shortage.
“Drivers will use the same tires until the treads are worn out and shiny, so it has become the norm to re-use punctured or torn tires by putting a small piece of an old tire tube over them. Sometimes they have to be put in at an angle because the tires they are using are either larger or smaller than the vehicle’s specifications,” the source said.
“I have never seen new tires produced locally. Since international trade is stopped due to the border closure, it has become difficult to import used tires,” said the source.
The ban has become problematic for many North Korean drivers who use their vehicles for supplemental jobs in the country’s nascent market economy, the source said.
“They can no longer drive their cars to earn a little extra income because they don’t have tires.”
At a company in Hongwon county in nearby South Hamgyong province, a 2.5-ton truck has been grounded since the fall because its tires are worn out, an official from the company told RFA Jan. 10.
“Due to a fuel shortage a long time ago, the vehicle was converted to run on wood charcoal fuel. We only used it a little bit, only when it was absolutely necessary. But these days even if you have charcoal, you still can’t drive it because the tires are worn out,” said the second source, who requested anonymity for security reasons.
“Drivers these days can make money by driving their company cars as they wish, and they pay for tires and parts by themselves. They sometimes even provide their own charcoal when they need to, but now they can’t because they can’t find tires,” the second source said.
The second source said the company’s policy on after-hours use has kept many of the company’s vehicles in commission until now.
“The cars would have been out of service long ago if it were not up to the drivers to maintain them. Among the other businesses in the province that have been supplied with cars like we have, many have already disposed of their vehicles,” the second source said.
Only the most profitable companies, like the fisheries, have enough money to keep their vehicles running, the second source said.
“Ultimately, things are more difficult for most companies because without tires there is no choice but to park the vehicles. This makes life harder for their workers.”
Translated by Claire Lee. Written in English by Eugene Whong.
17. Early warning systems first suggested North Korean missile could hit US, causing temporary scramble
So a mistake? An operator or technical error?
Early warning systems first suggested North Korean missile could hit US, causing temporary scramble
CNN · by Katie Bo Lillis, Barbara Starr and Oren Liebermann, CNN
(CNN)In the minutes after North Korea launched a ballistic missile around 7:30 a.m. local time on Tuesday, the US command responsible for protecting the American homeland from airborne threats raced to determine whether the missile might be capable of striking the United States -- and for a moment, took steps as if it was.
It was "ugly," one US lawmaker briefed on the launch said. Defense officials "didn't have a good feel for its capabilities" right away, this person added.
Initial telemetry readings -- which can be inaccurate and are often discarded as more data becomes available -- suggested that the missile could pose a threat as far away as the Aleutian Islands off Alaska or the California coast, two sources familiar with the matter told CNN.
Within minutes, US Northern Command and the Northern American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) dismissed those initial readings and assessed that the missile posed no direct threat to the mainland of the United States. The test weapon -- which sources say was a less maneuverable version of a hypersonic glide vehicle designed to evade missile defenses -- splashed down harmlessly in the sea between China and Japan, thousands of miles away from threatening America.
But in those few moments of uncertainty, the situation escalated quickly enough that the Federal Aviation Administration, which is part of a routine interagency discussion whenever there is a missile launch of this kind, grounded some planes on the West Coast around 2:30 p.m. PST on Monday for about 15 minutes.
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The grounding forced air traffic controllers to hold some aircraft on the ground, while briefly diverting others in the air, according to air traffic control recordings, but controllers were at a loss when asked to explain to pilots what had caused the grounding. Some controllers erroneously referred to it as a national ground stop, something which hasn't been seen since 9/11.
The question, now, is what sparked that initial burst of urgency -- and perhaps, why the FAA reacted the way that it did.
"What we're seeing here is just the normal process of coordination and communication out of which early on some decisions were made that probably didn't need to get made," Defense Department spokesman John Kirby told reporters on Thursday afternoon.
NORAD insists that it was the FAA's call to issue the ground stop and that it did not issue a warning or alert as a result of the North Korean missile launch.
"As a matter of precaution, the FAA temporarily paused departures at some airports along the West Coast," the FAA said in a statement on Tuesday. "The FAA regularly takes precautionary measures. We are reviewing the process around this ground stop as we do after all such events."
The FAA did not respond to CNN's multiple requests for comment on Thursday.
A US official said the ground stop was not communicated through the FAA's Air Traffic Control System Command Center, based in Warrenton, Virginia, and instead went straight to regional centers on the West Coast.
The launch on Tuesday was the second such launch by North Korea within the space of a week. But the first, last Thursday, was far less sophisticated, South Korean officials have said.
US officials are still conducting their assessment of the most recent test, but analysts who closely track North Korea's weapons development programs have identified the missile used on Tuesday as what is known as a "maneuverable reentry vehicle" -- still a hypersonic glide vehicle that can alter course after reentering the atmosphere but that has a limited range and maneuverability compared to more advanced systems.
"It's basically falling," said Jeffrey Lewis, a weapons expert and professor at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies. "It's falling with style."
Lewis said it's not unusual for detection systems such as radar or infra-red satellites to struggle to determine a missile's trajectory in the first moments after a launch.
"If it's a regular old ballistic missile, they can usually calculate that pretty well, but you have to wait for the engine to stop firing," he said. "So that's why you sometimes see mistakes, because you're trying to calculate it before the engine stops firing, and if you're at a funny angle, you might be able to see that it's going up but not what direction."
In any case, there is no question that the launch violated UN Security Council resolutions that prohibit North Korea from any ballistic missile activity. And arms control experts have continued to raise alarms that Pyongyang's weapons development program continues to pose a long-term threat to the United States and its allies.
US officials familiar with North Korea's weapons development programs say Pyongyang's efforts to develop hypersonic missiles is not a surprise -- North Korea has telegraphed its intent publicly -- even if some of the specific capabilities demonstrated by the missile launched on Tuesday were surprising. Those sources declined to specify what capabilities were unknown.
In January of last year, North Korea stated publicly that it had "finished research into developing warheads of different combat missions including the hypersonic gliding flight warheads for new-type ballistic rockets and was making preparations for their test manufacture."
Still, after years of high-profile diplomatic exchanges between former President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, the Biden administration has so far taken a relatively low-key approach to North Korea even as it has continued to condemn testing by Pyongyang.
CNN's Natasha Bertrand and Pete Muntean contributed to this report.
CNN · by Katie Bo Lillis, Barbara Starr and Oren Liebermann, CNN
18. North Korea's missile launches prompt US diplomat to reaffirm push to banish nukes
Again, I think we have to consider how Kim Jong-un wants to drive a wedge in the ROK/US alliance. One of the "simple" responses would be to show alliance solidarity in responding to the north. But of course given South Korean politics and the views of the Moon administration toward north Korea this is not so simple. But we need to show Kim that his tactics are not working and will not have the effects he desires.
Excerpts:
U.S. Special Representative for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea Sung Kim reaffirmed the aspiration during calls Tuesday with key officials in the Japanese and South Korean governments, according to State Department readouts published Thursday. Kim made the calls in response to North Korea firing a hypersonic missile on Tuesday.
Kim reached out to Funakoshi Takehiro, a Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs senior official for Asia and Oceania; and Noh Kyu-duk, South Korea's special representative for Korean Peninsula Peace and Security Affairs.
During the calls, Kim reaffirmed "Washington's ironclad commitment" to its alliances with South Korea and Japan, as well as "the shared goal of the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula," according to the readout.
North Korea's missile launches prompt US diplomat to reaffirm push to banish nukes
Newsweek · by Jake Thomas · January 13, 2022
A special U.S. diplomat on Wednesday renewed Washington's commitment to completely removing nuclear weapons from the Korean Peninsula following North Korea's launch of two missiles in less than a week.
U.S. Special Representative for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea Sung Kim reaffirmed the aspiration during calls Tuesday with key officials in the Japanese and South Korean governments, according to State Department readouts published Thursday. Kim made the calls in response to North Korea firing a hypersonic missile on Tuesday.
Kim reached out to Funakoshi Takehiro, a Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs senior official for Asia and Oceania; and Noh Kyu-duk, South Korea's special representative for Korean Peninsula Peace and Security Affairs.
During the calls, Kim reaffirmed "Washington's ironclad commitment" to its alliances with South Korea and Japan, as well as "the shared goal of the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula," according to the readout.
Kim, a veteran diplomat picked by President Joe Biden to lead efforts on North Korea, said over the summer that Washington was prepared to meet with the country's leaders "anywhere, anytime without preconditions." Kim again said the U.S. was open to dialogue and diplomacy with North Korea during the calls.
U.S. envoy for North Korea Sung Kim renewed calls for denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula after two missile launches by North Korea. Above, then a U.S. ambassador to the Philippines, Kim answers questions during the Foreign Correspondents Association of the Philippines forum in Manila on Oct. 26, 2017. NOEL CELIS/Getty Images
Former President Donald Trump sought a deal with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un over the country's nuclear weapons. After talks stalled, North Korea hasn't shown interest in returning to the bargaining table, a stance that was again on display following the diplomatic fallout from the missile launches.
The U.S. government slapped sanctions on five North Korean officials Wednesday for their role in the hypersonic missile tests. The sanctions will freeze any U.S. assets the officials have and bar Americans from doing business with them.
North Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement on Friday (local time) saying sanctions imposed by the U.S. for launches are "aggravating the situation intentionally."
"It is clearly a provocation and gangster logic that the United States questions the exercise of our legitimate right to self-defence," the ministry continued. "It shows that the present US Administration is talking about diplomacy and dialogue, but actually resorts to the policy for isolating and suffocating the DPRK."
The ministry accused the U.S. of making "another provocation against our exercise of the right to self-defence," which it said it wouldn't give up.
Kim Jong-un oversaw the successful launch of the hypersonic missile on Tuesday. According to state media, the launch was "carried out with the purpose of finally confirming the overall technical characteristics of the developed hypersonic weapon system."
Hypersonic weapons are of a particular concern because they fly five times faster than the speed of sound, challenging the abilities of defense systems to react.
Newsweek has reached out to the State Department for additional comment.
Newsweek · by Jake Thomas · January 13, 2022
19. Former USFK chief says N.K. hypersonic launches, if true, can be reason to be 'very concerned'
Former USFK chief says N.K. hypersonic launches, if true, can be reason to be 'very concerned' | Yonhap News Agency
By Song Sang-ho
SEOUL, Jan. 14 (Yonhap) -- A former U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) chief said Friday that North Korea's recent self-proclaimed hypersonic missile launches, if true, can be a reason for South Korea and the United States to be "very concerned," citing the absence of "sure means" to counter them.
Curtis Scaparrotti, who led the USFK from 2013-2016, made the remarks after Pyongyang claimed to have successfully test-fired hypersonic missiles on Jan. 5 and Tuesday.
South Korea's military has assessed that the North's missile launched this week flew at a top speed of Mach 10, 10 times the speed of sound, while the missile fired last week traveled at Mach 6.
"If the speed of those missiles is true ... and the maneuverability, which was the concern on the first one, (but) it wasn't in the second one where it supposedly demonstrated decent maneuverability," Scaparrotti said during a virtual security forum hosted by the Institute for Corean and American Studies.
"Then, we have reason to be very concerned because at this point, we don't have sure means of defending against hypersonic missiles given their maneuverability, in particular their speed," the former general added.
Asked to clarify if the South Korea-U.S. alliance is not ready to counter such a hypersonic missile, Scaparrotti said, "We are as ready as anybody else."
"We think these were just at its test (phase) and like most everyone else, we're all on a period of trying to refine our capabilities here," he said.
Touching on the North's continued quest for new weapons like a submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM), Scaparrotti said that the reclusive regime has moved "much faster" than expected.
"They test differently. They've always surprised us with the advance they make and the time that they make it … so we need to be concerned," he said.
In response to a question about South Korea's regional security role amid an intensifying Sino-U.S. rivalry, the former commander called for the Asian ally to be "more active" and to be clear about "where they draw lines."
"I do think they should play a stronger role. I think actually, they ought to be more active with the capacity and the capabilities and their forces in international exercises in the Pacific, be more present in those than they are now," he said.
"I know they're cautious and I expect them to be cautious, but I also would tell you that I think they must be clear about their security interests and where they draw lines, particularly with respect to China."
sshluck@yna.co.kr
(END)
20. S. Korea, U.S. mull delaying combined drills to April due to presidential election: sources
Again, as I recommended a couple months ago, this should have been decided at the Security Consultative Meeting and announced well in advance to try to prevent the exercises from becoming an election issue.
(LEAD) S. Korea, U.S. mull delaying combined drills to April due to presidential election: sources | Yonhap News Agency
(ATTN: UPDATES with USFK comments in 10th para; RECASTS 7th para)
By Song Sang-ho
SEOUL, Jan. 13 (Yonhap) -- South Korea and the United States are considering postponing their combined springtime military exercise, usually held in March, to April due to the March 9 presidential election and the COVID-19 pandemic, multiple sources said Thursday.
The allies have been discussing the possible delay in consideration of the virus' unabated spread and the need to ensure South Korean troops can exercise their voting rights in the election unhindered by the round-the-clock command post training, the sources said.
The move also comes amid worries that preparations for the exercise, albeit defensive in nature, could impede Seoul's efforts to resume inter-Korean dialogue and could go against the Olympic spirit of peace at the Beijing Games slated for next month.
"There have been discussions on the possible postponement due to the election season and the coronavirus woes," an informed source told Yonhap News Agency on condition of anonymity.
Seoul and Washington conduct two major regular joint exercises each year -- one in March and the other in August -- to reinforce their defense capabilities against possible North Korean aggression.
For past major allied exercises, South Korea's presidential election hardly affected their timing as voting took place in December.
But Election Day changed to March 9 in 2017 following the ouster of former scandal-hit President Park Geun-hye. Incumbent President Moon Jae-in began his single, five-year term in May that year, two months after the election.
Asked to confirm the allies' discussions on the exercise, Seoul's defense ministry said the two sides are still in talks over the details.
"The authorities of South Korea and the U.S. are in consultation over the specific timing and method of the exercise," a ministry official told Yonhap on condition of anonymity.
The U.S. Forces Korea (USFK) refused to comment on the exercise plans.
"As a matter of policy, we do not comment on planned or executed combined training, and any decision regarding combined training will be made by the U.S.-ROK alliance," USFK spokesperson Col. Lee Peters told Yonhap. ROK stands for South Korea's official name, Republic of Korea.
On Tuesday last week, Boo Seong-chan, the ministry's spokesperson, said that details, including the timing and scale of this year's combined exercises, have yet to be finalized.
His remarks came after Radio Free Asia reported that the U.S. Department of Defense said there have been "no changes" to the schedule for the allies' training and exercise.
sshluck@yna.co.kr
(END)
21. Breaking the Diplomatic Deadlock with North Korea
We must understand the nature, objectives,and strategy of the Kim family regime when we propose courses of action.
Many of the recommendations here will be assessed by Kim Jong-un that his political warfare and blackmail diplomacy strategies are successful. The below recommendations suffer from one fatal flaw- they require Kim. Jong-un to act as a resposnible member of the internaitonal community.
Breaking the Diplomatic Deadlock with North Korea - War on the Rocks
As 2022 begins with two North Korean missile launches in the first two weeks of the year, the United States still has an opportunity to jumpstart diplomacy with North Korea. Despite the U.S. Department of State’s unrequited offer to meet North Korean negotiators “anywhere, anytime,” there are several steps the Biden administration can take now to both encourage diplomacy and enhance the chances of success when it does occur.
Diplomacy is deadlocked for a variety of reasons. After three historic face-to-face meetings between President Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un, Trump managed to “[shift] the paradigm with North Korea in style but not in substance,” in the words of Uri Friedman. An analysis of correspondence between Trump and Kim revealed fundamental misperceptions that existed between both leaders. The COVID-19 pandemic led to North Korea closing its borders, and the pandemic, coupled with sanctions, heightened the country’s isolation. In addition, the Biden administration adopted a more conventional approach to North Korea than Trump’s direct and personal diplomacy.
Despite these and other factors, there is still some hope for diplomatic progress, particularly should the Biden administration undertake the following actions. These recommendations are designed to not only to pique North Korean interest in negotiations on topics that will help to protect American interests and lives, but also apply lessons learned from past negotiations to deliver substantial results once negotiations resume.
Reframe the Negotiation Strategy From Denuclearization to More Practical Issues
The denuclearization of North Korea is an admirable goal, albeit one that is unlikely to be realized anytime soon. A more practical approach would be to prioritize efforts to end North Korean cyber crime.
This does not mean the Biden administration should abandon efforts to denuclearize North Korea. However, diplomacy, sanctions, isolation, and other means have all proven unsuccessful thus far at halting North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. A realigned strategy better acknowledging that denuclearization is more of a long-term goal will help to create an environment more conducive for diplomatic progress on other issues that also pose a threat to American interests and citizens.
Cyber crime is a relatively low-risk way for Pyongyang to generate funding even in the face of harsh sanctions and closed borders. By late 2019 one collective of North Korean cyber criminals was estimated to be responsible for the theft of up to $2 billion. It was also reported North Korean hackers stole a record $400 million in 2021 in cryptocurrency alone. And with no immediate end in sight for those sanctions and closed borders due to the COVID-19 pandemic, it’s likely the North Korean leadership will direct its hackers to continue engaging in cyber crime in 2022.
This is an issue that can and does affect the lives, careers, and finances of everyday Americans. North Korea already demonstrated its cyber capabilities and willingness to attack Americans in the 2014 Sony hack. By demonstrating a clear pathway for greater integration into the licit economy in exchange for ending cyber crime, such as through select sanctions relief, the Biden administration can provide an incentive for North Korea to return to diplomatic talks. Such incentives would be of mutual interest for the United States and North Korea. Kim signaled that improving the economy will be a national priority in 2022, and American public opinion indicated that preventing cyber attacks should be the top foreign policy goal for the United States in the 2021 Chicago Council Survey. 83 percent of those surveyed listed this as a “very important” foreign policy goal for the United States.
In addition to addressing a pressing threat to American security, successful diplomacy that mitigates or ends North Korean cyber crime could also lead to breakthroughs that advance the long-term goal of denuclearization. It can build confidence in both Pyongyang and Washington about the potential for successful, phased diplomacy. For example, a reduction or cessation of cyber crime could also serve the purpose of denying North Korea funding for other activities of concern such as its nuclear and missile programs. Yet targeted sanctions relief that offers more opportunities to operate in the licit economy should be designed, to the extent possible, to provide opportunities for North Koreans outside of the country’s leadership to improve their lives while fully demonstrating the economic potential of this path. If the North Korean leadership becomes convinced that it is in their interest to step away from illicit economic activities, such as cyber crime, and enter the licit economy, tensions between the United States and North Korea may begin to diffuse. As those tensions ebb, the North Korean leadership’s calculus on the necessity of its nuclear weapons program may also evolve over time.
Leader-to-Leader Diplomacy Is Essential
Trump made history as the first sitting U.S. president to meet face-to-face with the sitting leader of North Korea. Given the nature of North Korea’s political system and the power Kim exerts, this level of engagement may be necessary to execute successful diplomacy.
Trump’s meeting not only opened the door to leader-to-leader diplomacy but also helped mitigate some of the political risk of direct engagement with North Korea for his successors in the Oval Office. Indeed, Biden already indicated he would be willing to meet Kim, though with caveats including “that there’s discussion about his nuclear arsenal.”
Yet that caveat may be hindering effective diplomacy on other critical issues. Biden has many talented and capable staff members in his administration working on North Korea policy. To empower them to successfully execute policy and diplomacy, leader-to-leader meetings will be necessary to agree on a framework for working-level talks. Such meetings also can help to gather more information about the plans and intentions of the North Korean leadership.
First making progress on important but more attainable short-term goals, such as mitigating cyber crime, may open the door to more fruitful future conversations between both leaders and their negotiators on denuclearization.
Proactively Engage the U.S. Congress and Encourage Members to Exert Their Oversight Function
Any U.S. president will need the support of Congress for diplomacy with North Korea to succeed. The oversight functions and powers related to foreign affairs afforded to Congress by the Constitution ensure the legislative branch can either complicate or bolster the executive branch’s foreign policy priorities.
Active congressional engagement can also build confidence in the sustainability of any agreements ultimately reached with North Korea. After Trump withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the Paris climate agreement, and other previous agreements, there may be concerns in Pyongyang over whether a future American president could simply reverse any agreements not to his or her liking. Bipartisan congressional engagement can be one measure to signal the sustainability of an agreement over time.
In a recent report of policy recommendations published by the National Committee on American Foreign Policy, I outlined a series of steps to bolster congressional engagement on North Korea policy. These actions are designed to encourage more effective policymaking and align the executive and legislative branches on critical foreign policy issues related to North Korea.
Congress has a long history of direct engagement with North Korea. In 1980, nearly four decades before the first Trump-Kim summit, it was a member of Congress, Stephen Solarz, who became the first sitting American official to visit North Korea and meet with Kim Il Sung after the signing of the Korean War armistice. Subsequently, dozens of members of Congress and staff members visited North Korea and engaged directly with North Korean officials. Yet the 117th Congress counts only two members who are known to have visited North Korea.
With the number of members of Congress who have visited North Korea at its lowest number in over two decades, it is important that lessons from past engagement are not lost in order to maximize the chances for successful engagement in the future. More current and former legislators and staff should participate in Track 1.5 and Track II dialogues, and historians studying North Korea should establish an oral history project documenting lessons learned directly from former members and staff who engaged directly with North Korean officials. It is also important to invest in a legislative branch that is knowledgeable about North Korea. Expanding access to the Open Source Enterprise for more congressional staff and making investments in the Congressional Research Service are among initial steps to accomplish this.
Biden served approximately 36 years in the U.S. Senate and Vice President Kamala Harris served approximately four years for a total of nearly four decades of combined experience in the Senate. Their relationships and understanding of the legislative branch, as well as direct outreach signaling the administration wants to engage members on North Korea policy, should be used more effectively to make Congress an ally on policies related to North Korea.
Take Actions to Support Principled Engagement
These are all issues on which a sustained commitment can demonstrate America’s values in action given the positive effects they would have on the lives of both ordinary Americans and North Koreans. Giving closure to family members of American veterans who made the ultimate sacrifice in the Korean War, offering an opportunity to elderly Korean Americans to reconnect with separated family members, or providing food security to the average North Korean offers an opportunity for those seeking positive change to appeal to the humanity of leaders in both countries. While these issues have been raised with varying degrees of success in the past, continued resolve is critical to demonstrate the American commitment to such important issues.
The administration has already missed two major opportunities to signal support for principled engagement: its North Korea policy review and its sanctions review. Neither policy review significantly changed the status quo or better clarified specific actions the administration would take to lead to progress on policy challenges related to North Korea.
Signaling to North Korea that the United States will support principled engagement may also help encourage a return to diplomatic talks. One immediate step that could be taken is for Secretary of State Antony Blinken to lift restrictions on American passport holders for travel to North Korea.
Already, the administration has taken some positive initial steps on these Trump-era restrictions by permitting certain humanitarian workers to receive multiple-entry special validation passports. With North Korea’s borders currently closed, this step will be largely symbolic initially, though still an important signal to the leadership in Pyongyang that the U.S. administration is serious about long-term engagement. By actively taking additional steps to demonstrate openness to principled engagement, the administration will also show concern for some of the most vulnerable North Koreans. This is particularly important right now with humanitarian aid funding levels falling to their lowest level in 2021 since the United Nations began tracking such data in 2000.
Nominate an Ambassador to South Korea
The Biden administration stresses the need for active coordination and communication with allies and partners. In general, the administration has paired its actions with its words on this pledge. However, nearly one year into Biden’s term, a U.S. ambassador to South Korea has yet to be nominated. A nomination for this key post should be made in the near future to ensure the administration’s commitment to keeping high-level coordination and communication open with a critical ally, especially one that provides such an important link in America’s North Korea policy.
Biden promised “a new era of relentless diplomacy” around the world in his first address before the U.N. General Assembly. Yet to show the American people, as well as American allies and partners, that such relentless diplomacy can yield results it is time to recalibrate the administration’s approach to North Korea through these initial steps.
Matt Abbott is the director of Government and Diplomatic Programs at the Chicago Council on Global Affairs. Find him on Twitter @M_J_Abbott. The views expressed in this article are his own and do not represent any institutional positions.
V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.