Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:

“Absolute certainty will always elude us. We will always be mired in error. The most each generation can hope for is to reduce the error. . . .” 
- Carl Sagan

“The foolish and the dead alone never change their opinions.” 
- James Russell Lowell

“But courage in fighting is by no means the only form, nor perhaps even the most important. There is courage in facing poverty, courage in facing derision, courage in facing the hostility of one’s own herd. In these, the bravest soldiers are often lamentably deficient. And above all there is the courage to think calmly and rationally in the face of danger, and to control the impulse of panic fear or panic rage.” 
- Bertrand Russell


1. UN Member States urge DPRK to fulfil international human rights obligations in an EU-facilitated resolution
2. U.N. adopts resolution on N. Korean human rights for 17th consecutive year
3. U.S. designates N. Korea as state violator of religious freedom
4. UN condemns North Korea's rights violations once again
5. Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Trilateral Meeting with Republic of Korea First Vice Foreign Minister Choi and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mori
6. Japan, South Korea balk at sharing stage after US talks
7. Wheels fall off a show of trilateral cooperation over Dokdo
8. S. Korea reaffirms continued efforts on N. Korean human rights issue over U.N. resolution
9. N. Korea underlines past feat from 'three-revolution' movement ahead of related event
10. Korea peace talk brings UN alliance into play
11. Deputy Secretary Wendy R. Sherman at a Press Availability (without Korea and Japan)
12. N. Korea orders regional party committees to "guarantee" military rice stores
13. The Essence of North Korea’s ‘Our State First’
14. How South Korea Is Attempting to Tackle Fake News
15. Squid Game is even being watched in North Korea
16. More dire trade figures for North Korea


1. UN Member States urge DPRK to fulfil international human rights obligations in an EU-facilitated resolution
Here is the link to the 12 page draft resolution. I think this is the final version. I could not find any other record of it.
UN Member States urge DPRK to fulfil international human rights obligations in an EU-facilitated resolution

Today, the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly adopted an EU-facilitated resolution on the dire human rights situation in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The resolution, adopted by consensus, was introduced by the European Union and received wide cross-regional support, with more than 60 countries joining as co-sponsors.
The resolution addresses the ongoing human rights violations and sends a strong message to the DPRK on its continued and worrisome lack of cooperation, and the country’s refusal to grant access to the UN Special Rapporteur. It demands that the government fulfil its international human rights obligations, as well as make progress on the cases of international abduction and separated families, now stalled.
The Resolution calls for continued engagement by the international community to support the Special Rapporteur’s mandate and to ensure accountability of human rights violations. In preparing the resolution, the EU consulted the Special Rapporteur on DPRK and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Geneva. As part of its support to the Rapporteur’s mandate, EU Ambassador to the UN, Olof Skoog, met with the current mandate holder, Tomas Oja Quintana, in late October. Despite limited access to information, SR Quintana confirmed the trend of a worsening human rights situation within the country.
COVID-19 has had a devastating effect on the country, especially on the most vulnerable, increasing obstacles to delivering humanitarian aid, and exacerbating further the already high malnutrition rates. The €2 million of food security projects and additional ad-hoc humanitarian interventions that the EU implements every year through the resident foreign NGOs in the country have been suspended due to border closures. This has prevented the ability to rotate personnel and provide humanitarian assistance. In view of the current situation, the EU is ready to play a more active role.
The EU’s leadership on this resolution is an integral part of its policy of critical engagement towards the DPRK, which aims to improve the situation of human rights, to promote peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the broader region, and to uphold the international non-proliferation regime.
Since 1998, the EU has conducted 14 political dialogues with DPRK, and has repeatedly tried to address the human rights violations bilaterally as well as through multilateral bodies, sponsoring and leading resolutions such as this one. This is accompanied by the aforementioned provision of humanitarian assistance and the implementation of the sanctions imposed by Resolutions of the UN Security Council, together with other own autonomous measures (asset freeze and travel ban) that target 9 entities and 57 individuals involved in the DPRK’s weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile-related programmes.

Editorial Sections:

2.  U.N. adopts resolution on N. Korean human rights for 17th consecutive year

I assume that since the semi-official Yonhap News Agency did not say that the ROK had signed on to this UNGA resolution that it did not yet again.

U.N. adopts resolution on N. Korean human rights for 17th consecutive year | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · November 18, 2021
WASHINGTON, Nov. 17 (Yonhap) -- The United Nations on Wednesday adopted a resolution on North Korean human rights, condemning what it called "systematic" and "gross" violations of human rights in the reclusive state.
The resolution was adopted unanimously by the U.N. General Assembly Third Committee, which has now adopted a North Korea-specific human rights resolution for the 17th consecutive year since 2005.
The resolution said the U.N. "condemns in the strongest terms the long-standing and ongoing systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights in and by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, including those that may amount to crimes against humanity."
It also expressed serious concerns over "the persistence of continuing reports of violations of human rights" that include "torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment."
The resolution calls on the North Korean government to "immediately put an end to the systematic, widespread and grave
violations and abuses of human rights" and "close the political prison camps and to release all political
prisoners unconditionally and without any delay."
Noting the North's precarious humanitarian situation has been exacerbated by natural disasters and the COVID-19 pandemic, the resolution calls on the North Korean government to "cooperate with the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access (COVAX) Facility and relevant bodies to ensure the timely delivery and distribution of COVID-19 vaccines."
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · November 18, 2021
3.  U.S. designates N. Korea as state violator of religious freedom

U.S. designates N. Korea as state violator of religious freedom | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · November 18, 2021
By Byun Duk-kun
WASHINGTON, Nov. 17 (Yonhap) -- The United States has designated North Korea as a state violator of religious freedom, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Wednesday.
North Korea is one of 10 countries designated as "country of particular concern."
"I am designating Burma, the People's Republic of China, Eritrea, Iran, the DPRK, Pakistan, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan as Countries of Particular Concern for having engaged in or tolerated "systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of religious freedom," Blinken said in a released statement.
DPRK stands for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the North's official name. It marks the 20th consecutive year the North was designated a state violator of religious freedom.
Blinken vowed efforts to end what he called 'structural, systematic and deeply entrenched" challenges to religious freedom, also calling on the international community to do the same.
"The challenges to religious freedom in the world today are structural, systemic, and deeply entrenched," he said. "They demand sustained global commitment from all who are unwilling to accept hatred, intolerance, and persecution as the status quo. They require the international community's urgent attention."
Along with the 10 state violators of religious freedom, Blinken also designated nine non-state actors, including the Houthis and ISIS, as entities of particular concern, while placing Algeria, Comoros, Cuba and Nicaragua on a special watch list for countries that have engaged in or tolerated "severe violations of religious freedom."
bdk@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 변덕근 · November 18, 2021

4. UN condemns North Korea's rights violations once again
South Korea makes the erroneous assumption that not signing on to the human rights resolution will somehow positively influence Kim Jong-un.

The Joongang Ilbo confirms what Yonhap News would not (or maybe will in subsequent reporting).

Excerpts:

South Korea was not a co-sponsor of the report, which was the third year in a row it didn’t participate in drafting the resolution. 
 
“The South Korean government maintains the stance that it will continue to work together with the international community to improve the human rights situation of North Koreans,” said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in a statement Thursday. 
 



Thursday
November 18, 2021

UN condemns North Korea's rights violations once again

Photo taken on Sept. 30 shows a scene of the general debate of the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly at the UN headquarters in New York. [XINHUA/WANG YING]
The United Nations adopted a resolution Wednesday condemning North Korea’s “long-standing” and “systematic” violations of human rights for the 17th year in a row.
 
The resolution was approved by the UN General Assembly Third Committee, which deals with social, humanitarian and cultural issues by consensus, meaning that all member states agreed to adopt the text of the resolution without taking a vote. 
 
The resolution was similar those adopted yearly since 2005, addressing “gross” human rights violations in the North including torture and other inhuman punishments of its citizens, existence of political prison camps, all forms of sexual and gender-based violence, abductions of North Koreans and international citizens, severe restrictions on freedom of thought of North Koreans in the online and offline spaces, as well as exploitation of workers sent abroad.
 
Where it differed from previous resolutions was in the mention of Covid-19 vaccines. 
 
The resolution urged North Korea to “cooperate with the Covid-19 Vaccine Global Access (Covax) Facility and relevant bodies to ensure the timely delivery and distribution of Covid-19 vaccines.”
 
North Korea rejected the offer of nearly 3 million doses of Sinovac vaccine from Covax in September. According to the World Health Organization, no vaccines have been administered in North Korea. In recent talks among nuclear envoys and high-ranking officials, Washington and Seoul have floated the idea of vaccine support for the North, though no official offers have been reported.
 
Also new to this year's resolution was a call to all UN members to engage with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to develop strategies on how to hold human rights violators in North Korea accountable in the future, including through “investigation and prosecution of persons suspected of committing international crimes in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea [DPRK], in accordance with international law.”
 
The resolution also mentioned for the first time prisoners of war from the 1950-53 Korean War, noting with concern allegations of “continued violations of the human rights of unrepatriated prisoners of war and their descendants.”
 
The resolution was drafted and sponsored by 60 countries including European Union members Austria, Denmark, France, Italy and Slovenia, and also Britain, Canada, Japan, Switzerland and the United States. 
 
South Korea was not a co-sponsor of the report, which was the third year in a row it didn’t participate in drafting the resolution. 
 
“The South Korean government maintains the stance that it will continue to work together with the international community to improve the human rights situation of North Koreans,” said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in a statement Thursday. 
 
The North Korean representative at the United Nations on Wednesday rejected the draft of the resolution, stating that “texts that target specific countries are typical examples of politicization and double standards,” according to the UN.
 
His statement was supported by representatives of China, Russia, Syria and Iran during a committee session to discuss the resolution before it was approved by consensus.
 
The resolution will be introduced at the UN General Assembly plenary for final passage next month.  

BY ESTHER CHUNG [chung.juhee@joongang.co.kr]

5. Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Trilateral Meeting with Republic of Korea First Vice Foreign Minister Choi and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mori
Things did not go well over Dokdo apparently.


Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Trilateral Meeting with Republic of Korea First Vice Foreign Minister Choi and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mori - United States Department of State
state.gov · by Office of the Spokesperson
HomeOffice of the SpokespersonPress Releases...Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Trilateral Meeting with Republic of Korea First Vice Foreign Minister Choi and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mori
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Deputy Secretary Sherman’s Trilateral Meeting with Republic of Korea First Vice Foreign Minister Choi and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mori
Readout
November 17, 2021
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The below is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price:
Deputy Secretary of State Wendy R. Sherman met with Republic of Korea First Vice Foreign Minister Choi Jong Kun and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mori Takeo today in Washington. The Deputy Secretary and the two vice foreign ministers reaffirmed that trilateral cooperation between the United States, the Republic of Korea, and Japan is essential to tackling the most pressing challenges of the 21st Century in the region and across the globe.
During the meeting, the Deputy Secretary discussed opportunities for trilateral cooperation to address a range of global issues, including the climate crisis, global health security and COVID-19 response, the resiliency and security of critical supply chains, and our shared commitment to human rights and democratic values.
The Deputy Secretary and the two vice foreign ministers emphasized the importance of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region, including through multilateral partnerships that advance our shared prosperity, security, and values. They reaffirmed the centrality of ASEAN to the architecture of the Indo-Pacific and the critical role it plays in ensuring stability, economic opportunity, and our shared commitment to maintain the rules-based international order.
The Deputy Secretary highlighted the close coordination of the United States, Japan, and the Republic of Korea to work toward the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and their intent to address the threat posed by the nuclear and ballistic missile programs of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
state.gov · by Office of the Spokesperson

6. Japan, South Korea balk at sharing stage after US talks
It is going to take a lot more work and time (and unfortunately leadership from the ROK President and Japanese Prime Minister) to build better ROK-Japan relations.

The US cannot force a shotgun marriage.

Japan, South Korea balk at sharing stage after US talks
AP · by ELLEN KNICKMEYER and MATTHEW LEE · November 17, 2021
WASHINGTON (AP) — A U.S.-sponsored show of alliance with Japan and South Korea stumbled Wednesday when American diplomats couldn’t convince their Asian allies to share a news conference stage.
Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman was due to hold the press conference at the State Department with her counterparts, Choi Jong Kun of South Korea and Mori Takeo of Japan.
Instead, Sherman sat at a table alone, taking question from reporters from those countries. In explanation, she cited “some bilateral differences” between those two Asian allies of the U.S. “that are continuing to be resolved, unrelated to today’s meeting.”
Neighbors Japan and South Korea have no shortage of disputes. However, those disagreements have rarely, if ever, forced the cancellation of a three-way display of unity on North Korea with the United States, which has treaty commitments to defend both countries and a large troop presence in each.
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The areas of conflict include Japan’s wartime occupation of Korea and other historical matters, Japan’s handling of radioactive material from the Fukushima nuclear disaster, trade conflicts and other matters.
Japan places a premium on resolving the matter of Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea, while South Korea has often been more willing to show lenience toward its immediate neighbor.
South Korea, meanwhile, harbors great residual animosity toward Japan over its wartime behavior and occupation of Korea, including the issue of so-called “comfort women” — Korean women forced into sexual servitude by Japan’s imperial army.
More recently, the two U.S. allies have had high-profile disputes over commercial practices and intelligence sharing.
The United States has been working to build multiparty alliances in the Indo-Pacific as a deterrence to China’s own territorial claims there. The canceled three-party press conference appeared an unusual — and unusually public — warning of the limits of any such U.S., Japan and South Korea alliance.
Sherman said the three-country meeting before the news conference had lasted three hours. It had been “friendly, constructive, substantive,” she said. The progress before the news conference no-show “demonstrates exactly why the trilateral format with the United States, Japan and the Republic of Korea is so important and powerful,” Sherman said.
In a statement, the U.S. said the three “reaffirmed that close cooperation” among them “is critical to address a broad range of global issues, including combatting the climate crisis; investing in clean energy and resilient infrastructure; upholding our shared democratic values and commitment to human rights; and working together to end the COVID-19 pandemic.”
__
Lee reported from Nairobi, Kenya.
AP · by ELLEN KNICKMEYER and MATTHEW LEE · November 17, 2021

7. Wheels fall off a show of trilateral cooperation over Dokdo

It is all about the rocks for the ROK and Japan (among many other issues).

The US calls these Liancourt Rocks while the Koreans call it Dokdo and the Japanese call it Takeshima.

I wonder if we will see another flyby by Chinese and Russian air forces which is only designed to drive a wedge between the ROK and Japan and undermine US credibility in its two bilateral alliances.

Note areas of cooperation:

However, Sherman stressed that the three countries "all agree that we need to stay compliant with UN Security Council resolutions that impose sanctions on North Korea for launching missiles that it should not."

In the meeting, Sherman discussed opportunities for trilateral cooperation on a range of global issues, including the climate crisis, global health security and Covid-19 response, the resiliency and security of critical supply chains, and the shared commitment to human rights and democratic values, said the U.S. State Department in a statement.

She also highlighted close coordination with Seoul and Tokyo to "work toward the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula" and the intent to address the threat posed by the North's nuclear and ballistic missile programs.

The three diplomats also "emphasized the importance of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region, including through multilateral partnerships that advance our shared prosperity, security, and values."

Wheels fall off a show of trilateral cooperation over Dokdo

U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman speaks solo at a press conference in Washington Wednesday in what should have been a joint event with her Korean and Japanese counterparts. [YONHAP]
U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman ended up holding a solo press conference Wednesday after her Korean and Japanese counterparts pulled out over the Dokdo Islets territorial dispute.

Sherman, Korean First Vice Foreign Minister Choi Jong-kun and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Takeo Mori were supposed to hold a press conference together after trilateral talks in Washington to discuss North Korea and other regional and global matters, a sign of three-way coordination.

The talks took place. But Mori boycotted the press briefing at the last minute after his government lodged a strong protest over a visit this week by Korea's police commissioner general to the Dokdo islets in the East Sea, called Takeshima by Tokyo.

Choi agreed that Sherman should do the press conference alone.

As Sherman faced the press on her own, she said, "As has been the case for some time, there are some bilateral differences between Japan and the Republic of Korea that are continuing to be resolved, and one of those differences which is unrelated to today's meeting has led to the change in format for today's press availability."

She didn't go into details.

Soon after, Choi told reporters at the Korean embassy in Washington that the Japanese side made known its decision not to take part in the joint news conference just before the start of the trilateral talks. The sticking point was a visit to Dokdo by Korean National Police Agency Commissioner General Kim Chang-yong Tuesday.

"We agreed with the United States, the host of the trilateral talks, to announce the outcome of the Korea-U.S.-Japan vice ministerial meeting through a solo press conference," said Choi, "recognizing the importance" of the three-way discussions.

Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirokazu Matsuno said in a press briefing Wednesday that Tokyo couldn't "accept" the circumstances and determined that it was "inappropriate to hold a joint press conference."

Seoul maintains that there is no territorial dispute with Tokyo as its easternmost Dokdo islets are historically, geographically and under international law an integral part of Korean territory.

Kim visited Dokdo Tuesday by helicopter for an inspection and to convey words of encouragement to officers guarding the islets, the first such visit in 12 years by the head of the national police agency.

The Japanese government later that day lodged a strong protest to Korea.

Police said the visit was initially meant to be unpublicized but was leaked to the press Monday.

Seoul and Tokyo's frayed bilateral relations threaten the Joe Biden administration's hope for stronger three-way cooperation in light of China's assertiveness in the region and to counter North Korean threats. Seoul and Tokyo are also involved in historical disputes over the Japanese military's wartime sexual slavery and the issue of compensation of forced laborers during Japan's 1910-45 colonial rule, and an ongoing trade spat.

It is rare for Tokyo to react so extremely to the Dokdo issue in the conduct of multilateral diplomacy.

A Korean government official said that Mori almost didn't board the plane for the trilateral talks because of the backlash in Japan over the Dokdo visit.

Diplomatic sources indicated Tokyo may be taking a stronger stance because the Dokdo visit occurred soon after the inauguration of new Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, a former foreign minister.

Kang Hee-rak, chief of the Korean National Police Agency, visited Dokdo in October 2009, but Japan's Democratic Party was in power and Seoul had good bilateral relations with the Yukio Hatoyama administration.

Tokyo protested strongly when former Korean President Lee Myung-bak visited Dokdo in August 2012. It recalled Japan's ambassador to Seoul, and Japanese politicians demanded the Dokdo issue be raised with the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Bilateral relations took a turn for the worse, and Japan has taken a more hawkish stance on territorial disputes since the launch of the Shinzo Abe administration in 2012.

A senior Blue House official told reporters in Seoul Wednesday that Mori's refusal to take part in the press conference over the Dokdo issue, "If that really is the case, it is very unusual."

Choi and Mori held bilateral talks earlier Wednesday, the first high-level bilateral exchange since the launch of the Kishida administration. In the talks, Choi explained Seoul's stance on the so-called comfort women issue and on Japan's export restrictions on Korea, while making clear Tokyo's claims over Dokdo "will not be accepted."


From left, Korean First Vice Foreign Minister Choi Jong-kun, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman and Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Takeo Mori pose for a commemorative photo ahead of trilateral talks in Washington Wednesday. [FOREIGN MINISTRY]
Washington is no stranger to trying to patch up relations between its feuding Asian allies, and frayed Seoul-Tokyo relations are again proving to be the weakest link in Biden's hopes for trilateral cooperation.

Nonetheless, Sherman said the three-way talks Wednesday with Choi and Mori were "friendly, constructive, substantive" and covered a wide range of issues over three hours.

Remarking on the status of Seoul's proposal for an end-of-war declaration, Sherman said, "The United States is very satisfied with the consultations we are having both with the Republic of Korea and with Japan, and with other allies and partners, on the best way forward to ensure the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And I look forward to those continued consultations."

The Moon Jae-in administration has in recent weeks renewed its push for some kind of formal end to the three-year Korean War, which ended in July 1953 with an armistice agreement rather than a peace treaty. However, U.S. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan said late last month that Seoul and Washington may differ "on the precise sequence or timing or conditions" for an end-of-war declaration. Japan has reportedly been reluctant to support the end-of-war plan.

When asked whether Seoul and Washington have resolved such differences, Sherman replied that "whenever we all consult and coordinate with each other, we always come out with a good result that ensures the interests of each of our countries and the overall interest of the world in peace and security."

However, Sherman stressed that the three countries "all agree that we need to stay compliant with UN Security Council resolutions that impose sanctions on North Korea for launching missiles that it should not."

In the meeting, Sherman discussed opportunities for trilateral cooperation on a range of global issues, including the climate crisis, global health security and Covid-19 response, the resiliency and security of critical supply chains, and the shared commitment to human rights and democratic values, said the U.S. State Department in a statement.

She also highlighted close coordination with Seoul and Tokyo to "work toward the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula" and the intent to address the threat posed by the North's nuclear and ballistic missile programs.

The three diplomats also "emphasized the importance of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region, including through multilateral partnerships that advance our shared prosperity, security, and values."

The meeting came two days after U.S. President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping's first virtual summit.

Sherman said she discussed with the Seoul and Tokyo envoys "the importance of respecting international law in the Indo-Pacific, including maintaining freedom of navigation in overflight in the South China Sea and the East Sea, and of preserving peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait."



BY SARAH KIM [kim.sarah@joongang.co.kr]




8. S. Korea reaffirms continued efforts on N. Korean human rights issue over U.N. resolution

Yonhap, the semi-official news agency, is now reporting thROK did not sign on as a co-sponsor of the resolution for the 3d straight year and even provides the erroneous rationale for not doing so.

Excerpts:

Its member states passed the resolution by consensus, with South Korea stopping short of co-sponsoring it in an apparent bid not to antagonize the neighbor.

S. Korea reaffirms continued efforts on N. Korean human rights issue over U.N. resolution | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · November 18, 2021
SEOUL, Nov. 18 (Yonhap) -- South Korea said Thursday it will continue efforts to address the human rights situations in North Korea via regional peace and the development of inter-Korean ties.
The Ministry of Unification issued the statement in response to the adoption by the Third Committee of the U.N General Assembly of a resolution condemning human rights violations by North Korea, the 17th of its kind since 2005. Its member states passed the resolution by consensus, with South Korea stopping short of co-sponsoring it in an apparent bid not to antagonize the neighbor.
Government officials here often talk about geopolitical conditions peculiar to the divided peninsula, endeavoring for denuclearization and lasting peace.
"(The government) will continue efforts for promoting the human rights of North Korean people through Korean Peninsula peace and the development of South-North relations," a ministry official told reporters on background.
It is the government's basic stance to work together with the international community, including the U.N., for the "substantive improvement" of their human rights, added the official who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
The U.N. has adopted such a resolution on North Korea's human rights problem every year since 2005. This year's resolution will be forwarded to a plenary meeting of the U.N. General Assembly next month.

yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · November 18, 2021

9. N. Korea underlines past feat from 'three-revolution' movement ahead of related event

I think I have identified the north Korean economic problem. (note sarcasm attempt).

During the three revolutions Kim Il-sung implemented a 6 year economic plan breaking the communist tradition of 5 year economic plans. Perhaps the north Korean economy has failed since it reverted back to and continues to try to implement 5 year economic plans.

KJU should return to a. 6 year economic plan.

Of course the north had a false economy all the way to the end of the Cold War since it was heavily subsidized by the USSR and China. And after the Cold War China began to demand payment for goods and this is what really began the collapse of the north Korean economy in the 1990s. It is amazing how they have managed to survive. The resilience of the regime has been incredible.


Excerpt:
It cited the six-year national economic plan, adding it led to annual growth of 15.9 percent, as the total industrial output increased 3.8 times, in the 1970s.

N. Korea underlines past feat from 'three-revolution' movement ahead of related event | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · November 18, 2021
SEOUL, Nov. 18 (Yonhap) -- North Korea's state-controlled media tried Thursday to shed light on the past progress made by its "three-revolution" movement aimed at developing its ideology, technology and culture, with preparations under way for a major conference on the movement.
In a detailed report, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) highlighted the accomplishments of the "spirit and traits of the three-revolution frontrunners in the 1970s" under the movement initiated by Kim Il-sung, late founder of the country and grandfather of current leader Kim Jong-un.
It cited the six-year national economic plan, adding it led to annual growth of 15.9 percent, as the total industrial output increased 3.8 times, in the 1970s.
On Monday, the KCNA reported participants in the 5th Conference of Frontrunners of the Three Revolutions arrived in Pyongyang, although it did not elaborate on the exact schedule of the event.
This year's conference will be the second of its kind held under Kim Jong-un's rule after the fourth event took place in November 2015. The previous sessions were held in 1986, 1995 and 2006.
South Korea's unification ministry spokesperson said earlier this week the latest event appears to be aimed at strengthening the North's internal unity, as this year marks the 10th anniversary since Kim took power.

yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 채윤환 · November 18, 2021


10. Korea peace talk brings UN alliance into play

There is a very complex military relationship among the US, ROK, Japan, and the UNC. As long as the existential threat from the north remains the various military commands are important to the defense of the ROK. 

I am sure the US supports a peace treaty between the ROK and the north (as the two designated belligerents by UN Security Council resolutions in the Korean Civil war). However, as I have written, paper and rhetoric do not trump steel. A peace treaty will not protect the ROK from the north. There has to be a negotiation that will reduce the threat from the north before a peace treaty is concluded. 

Actually the ROK does control all of the land South of the military demarcation line in the DMZ. It also controls all the islands and the waters around the islands that are designated under UN control. It chooses to recognize the authority of the UN Command to administer the Armistice. It is a sovereign decision to submit to UN Command administration of these areas. It does not have to. It could in fact ask the UN Command to leave. There is also no mechanism for the UN Command to enforce its authority anywhere in South Korea.  

It is a testament to South Korea, as a rule of law country, that it does agree to submit to the UN Command administration of the Armistice. But it could choose not to though I would argue that doing so would be shooting itself in the foot (or worse given the threat from the north).


Korea peace talk brings UN alliance into play
UN Command could be dissolved with peace treaty - which could explain why US is lukewarm on peace declaration
asiatimes.com · by Andrew Salmon · November 17, 2021
CAMP HUMPHREYS, South Korea – At a time when Beijing’s military power is rising on a trajectory that is bringing it toward par with the United States, the Biden administration is frustrated by its inability to craft a “NATO of East Asia.”
Amid considerable publicity, Washington has managed to pull together a network of smaller and legally fuzzier alliances in the region, most recently AUKUS and the Quad.
Widely overlooked, however, is the far older and far more multinational United Nations Command (UNC), which dates back to 1950 – the year the Korean War broke out. To this day, it oversees the portion of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) south of the north-south demarcation line.

The UNC includes 17 nations under its banner – nations that could feasibly return to fight under US leadership if hostilities recommence in Korea.
The UNC is receiving fresh looks as political chatter about a formal end to the Korean War raises doubts about the body’s long-term mission. But abolishing the command won’t be an open and shut case.
The Seoul government’s position is that the land in the southern part of the DMZ “belongs to South Korea, so we should exercise control over it,” says Moon Chung-in of Seoul’s Sejong Institute, who has advised all three South Korean presidents who have engaged with North Korea.
“But the UNC says the exercise of control can prevent conflict, and their claim should be ahead of our government demands.”
Deputy Commander of the UN Command, Australian Vice-Admiral Stuart Mayer, talks to journalists at his headquarters in Camp Humphreys. Photo: Asia Times / Andrew Salmon
Long war history
The UNC was created under UN Security Council resolutions that followed hot on the invasion of South Korea by North Korea in 1950.

The force was only able to use the UN brand and fly the UN banner due to the fact that the Soviet Union was, at the time, boycotting the UNSC over the non-admittance of Mao Zedong’s Beijing to the body. The requisite UNSC seat was, at the time, occupied by Chiang Kai-shek’s Taipei.
The absence of communist representation granted the rump UNSC, made up of democratic-bloc nations, the latitude required to establish the US-led multinational force. That decision meant that the South’s side in the Korean War was fought by the UN Command – although the US was by far the largest foreign contingent.
Since then the UN has massively changed its complexion: Both North Korea and the People’s Republic of China, the combatants against which the UNC fought, are now members of the chamber, with China occupying the UNSC seat it did not possess in 1950.
Hence, critics of the alliance – such as North Korea – say it is unrelated to today’s UN. Still, the North Korean government and the South Korea-based United Nations Command have one thing in common: They both want the latter to pack up and go home.
The Kim regime, and the US-led multinational coalition that fought against it during the 1950-53 Korean War, certainly differ over the timing and mechanics of the move.

“My delegation holds that immediate measures should be taken to dismantle the UNC in South Korea, which abuses the name of the United Nations,” North Korea’s delegate to the UN, Ambassador Kim Song, told the 76th Session of the UN General Assembly in New York on October 27.
He accused the UN Command of being a tool for the US “occupation” of South Korea.
Perhaps surprisingly, the deputy head of the UN Command, or UNC, is not a million miles away from the North Korean position.
“We are an organization trying to put ourselves out of a job,” Australian Vice-Admiral Stuart Mayer told a small group of foreign reporters last week.
Where the Kim regime, and the multinational force that battled it during the 1950-53 Korean War, differ is over the timing and mechanics of the move.

Mayer added that the end of that job will be signaled “by achieving peace in the area.”
Australian troops, sheltering behind a US tank, battle past enemy roadblocks during the battle of Pakchon in North Korea in 1950. The troops were fighting under the banner of the UN Command. Photo: State Library of Victoria
Moon’s push for peace
A key part of that job is overseeing the terms of the 1953 armistice – most particularly along the flashpoint DMZ that divides the Korean peninsula. The two sides have massed huge forces above and below it.
Now, South Korean President Moon Jae-in, counting down the last months of his presidency, and possibly eying his place in the history books, is pushing to end a brutal, three-year war that started as a civil conflict that rapidly spiraled into the Cold War’s first hot war.
Though it ended in July 1953, the mechanism that halted hostilities was an armistice, not a peace treaty.
In the decades since, neither side disarmed, and hostilities have continued: commando raids, naval skirmishes, DMZ clashes and constantly rising and falling tensions. And with North Korea now armed with ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons, the stakes extend well beyond the peninsula.
In his last speech before the UN General Assembly, Moon called for a declaration to end this ever-simmering situation.
“Today, I once again urge the community of nations to mobilize its strengths for the end-of-war declaration on the Korean Peninsula,” he said on September 21. “When the parties involved in the Korean War stand together and proclaim an end to the war, I believe we can make irreversible progress in denuclearization and usher in an era of complete peace.”
On September 24, the influential sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, Kim Yo Jong, speaking via state media, called Moon’s idea an “admirable one” and said Pyongyang was open to “constructive discussions” with Seoul.
These statements by the North and South – as well as a flurry of related diplomatic talk between South Korea and the US in the weeks since – suggest the end of Mayer’s job may, at last, be in sight.
Or, perhaps not.
“A peace declaration and a peace treaty are two different things,” the Australian vice-admiral pointed out.
South Korean President Moon Jae-in is pushing for a declaration to end the Korean War. Photo: AFP / The Blue House
Three hats
The commander of the UNC has always been a US general. That general is a busy man, as he wears three hats. He heads not only the UNC, but also the US Forces Korea and the Combined Forces Command.
USFK is the 27,000 to 28,000-strong US military force stationed on the peninsula under the Seoul-Washington mutual defense treaty. The CFC is a headquarters that coordinates South Korean and US forces.
It is the UNC that would, in the event of hostilities, coordinate the “sending states” units: the 22 nations that fought, or granted medical aid, during the 1950-53 war.
However, as none of the 17 UNC member states, bar the US, is legally bound to defend South Korea – and as democracies are today far less willing to engage in overseas wars than they were in 1950 – it is not clear how many troops would flock to the old UNC banner.
But the US has not fought its recent wars alone. It has been joined by “coalitions of the willing.” And a person familiar with the situation, from a UNC member state, told Asia Times “there is no legal obligation, but there is a moral obligation.”
Fortunately, deterrence may continue to prevent a hot war from ever reigniting on the peninsula, a gamble which may explain why some US-allied nations see value in the UNC.
Moreover, being part of a US-led security structure in the region provides useful eyes peering at some very strategic real estate.
“This is vital ground where Korea sits – it is the juncture of the most complete strategic network of nations in the region,” Mayer said. “Look at the EU’s statements on security, look at ‘Global Britain.’ The wealth and welfare of hundreds of millions of people depend on the stability of Northeast Asia, and stability is built by a village, not an individual.”
It is also in the US interest, as it seeks to broaden the bases of its alliances in recent years, to invite senior allied officers at the deputy commander level. This removes some weight from the US commander.
The US “saw that when you give a guy three jobs, the job they thought of last was the UNC job,” Mayer said. “It was identified that they needed to look at this through the lens of the international community.”
In 2018, Canadian General Wayne Eyre became the first non-American to become deputy commander of the UNC. He was succeeded by Mayer, who is due to stand down in advance of his retirement in the coming months.
Both are serious players. Eyre went on to command the Canadian Army. Mayer, one of Canberra’s sharpest strategic minds and a veteran of three conflicts, formerly commanded the Australian fleet.
A British Army general – as yet, unnamed – is expected to fill the seat next.
While Mayer said his multinational team members “don’t think like Americans,” US officers “understand that having a divergent group of skills is worth the pain.” Citing Harvard studies, Mayer noted that “a diverse, high performing team is the most effective team you can have – a homogenous high-performing team would not operate as effectively.”
The UNC is in tight lockstep with US forces. It is based in the heart of Camp Humphreys, south of Seoul – the biggest American base outside the continental US.
Still, Mayer makes abundantly clear that the UNC is not a NATO, nor even a Quad – it has a very specific, only-on-the-peninsula role.
“We do our bit for security in East Asia, but we don’t seek to become a regional policeman or an Asian NATO,” he said.
South Korean and US soldiers at the Oeullette Observation Post in South Korea. Photo: US Army / Flickr
North Korea’s antis, South Korea’s antis
The nation it is postured against has excellent reasons to see the UNC pack up and go home – hence North Korea’s UN statement, and, perhaps, its warmth toward an end-of-war declaration.
Mayer was unsurprised by the North Korean announcement. “This is not new. They have called for this before and of course they would seek it,” he said. “Just as they reject the international community on human rights and sanctions.”
There may also be hopes of a creeping, chipping-way process: Remove the UNC, then add further pressure to evict the CFC and USFK from the peninsula.
“That way, they can reduce the problem so it is one party against another,” Mayer said of North Korea’s strategy.
But while there is a widespread, if perhaps resigned, South Korean acceptance of the USFK, some segments of the public have come out strongly against the UNC.
This is, in part, because the UNC oversees access to the DMZ in the South. No such oversight body exists in the North. Oversight covers both military and civilian access.
UNC officers manning one of two key rail crossing points on the DMZ, amid the heady days of inter-Korean engagement in 2018, halted a South Korean train that was heading north on a mission to examine the North Korean rail network – a precursor to a possible linking of rail tracks.
Their reason? According to the UNC, the train did not have the appropriate paperwork to pass sanctions inspection.
South Korea’s left reeled at the news that a foreign-led military force had the authority to prevent a highly promising exercise of inter-Korean engagement.
Some of the UNC’s critics have forgotten that the train was, subsequently, let through to carry out its mission after the requisite paperwork was filed. And following the failure of the 2018 Hanoi summit, the promising cross-border railway connection was put on an indefinite back burner – where it remains to this day.
“In 2018 there was a lot of adverse reporting about UNC,” Mayer said. But he added: “Democracies are diverse and everyone has a right.”
Still, for a fast-rising middle power – already overawed by the US, which is clearly the senior partner in the bilateral alliance – the subservience of Seoul to the authority of another (albeit related) military force can be galling.
“The UNC, in a sense, is an organization above our chief of staff,” Moon Chung-in, the academic who heads think tank the Sejong Institute, told Asia Times.
While Moon comprehends both sides’ views, his personal feelings are unequivocal.
“For me, it is clear that the territory and the administrative control [of the southern side of the DMZ] should belong to South Korea,” he said. “But you cannot ignore institutional inertia.”
High-profile South Korean pundit Moon Chung-in explains why some parts of the body politic have come out against the UN Command. Photo: AFP
‘What is peace?’
Mayer is less emotional but has some cold hard analyses that argue for the retention of the UNC.
This is particularly the case at present, when – according to multiple analyses in South Korean media – the US side is lukewarm, at best, to the idea of a peace declaration.
This apparent disconnect is adding opacity to what – if anything – could actually come about in the coming months.
The biggest outcome would be an actual treaty, legally constituted and signed by China, North Korea and the United States. Although Seoul is driving the debate in 2021, it did not sign the 1953 armistice on the grounds that it left the peninsula divided and the conflict unresolved.
A treaty could, indeed, spell the end of the UNC.
Once “peace and security” is achieved, “the mandate goes away and there is a process to that,” Mayer said. Once the country called upon to lead the UNC in 1950 – the US – is satisfied that the mission is done, “it would be my view that that would be the point when the US should make recommendations that the UNC should be collapsed.”
But President Moon’s proposal to the UN General Assembly is far easier to achieve than an actual peace treaty. A peace declaration might hold immense symbolic force – particularly for Moon, who is to leave office next May after a March election.
However, it would have none of the mutually binding obligations that would be required in the formal transition from armistice to peace treaty. This could explain why – according to widespread analyses in South Korean media – that the US is, at best, lukewarm to Moon’s proposal.
“The problem is, people don’t know what it means when they say ‘peace,’” Mayer said. “Confidence measures? Publicity measures? Or a first step to a peace treaty?”
Differences of opinion have already been aired behind closed doors.
“It is important to consult on what this means between South Korea and the United States,” he said. “Just before [the 2019 North Korea-US summit in] Hanoi we went down this road and, at that point, it proved difficult as people used those words but had different understandings of what they mean.”
Conservative presidential candidate Yoon Seok-yeol is unimpressed by Moon’s suggestion. “If that sort of non-legally binding statement comes into reality, it will weaken the UNC in Korea,” the candidate, a former prosecutor, told foreign reporters last week.
Moreover, he voiced a common criticism held by South Korea’s right-wing: That such a declaration would add volume to the voices of those in South Korea who favor a withdrawal not just of the UNC, but also of all US forces.
“If that sort of statement is achieved, there are going to be growing voices for the withdrawal or reduction of US forces in [South] Korea,” he said.
Those voices, of course, would be speaking within their rights to free speech within the framework of the democratic polity that is South Korea.
But another voice in favor of the UNC comes from a very different angle.
Chun In-bum is a widely respected South Korean retired general who formally headed his country’s Special Warfare Command. While Moon, the academic, cited sovereign exercise of South Korean power as an argument against the UNC, Chun cited restrictions on that power as an argument in favor of the UNC.
South Korean soldiers patrol along a barbed wire fenced area of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) separating North and South Korea. Photo: AFP
“Whenever there is a shooting within the DMZ, an investigation by the UNC occurs,” he told Asia Times. “And more often than not, the UNC would point out that some of the reactions of the South Korean forces were overreactions.”
Discussing the UNC’s oversight mandate, Chun cited soaring military tensions in 2015, after two South Korean troops were critically wounded by a North Korean landmine.
At that time, Chun said, “the South Koreans wanted to put some heavy weapons into the DMZ” – a violation of the armistice, which does not permit weapons heavier than small arms into the four-km-wide zone. I cannot go into details,” he added, citing operational security, “but the UNC would not buy into that request.”
asiatimes.com · by Andrew Salmon · November 17, 2021

11. Deputy Secretary Wendy R. Sherman at a Press Availability (without Korea and Japan)

Excerpt:

I want to note at the outset that, as has been the case for some time, there are some bilateral differences between Japan and the Republic of Korea that are continuing to be resolved, and one of those differences which is unrelated to today’s meeting has led to the change in format for today’s press availability.


Deputy Secretary Wendy R. Sherman at a Press Availability - United States Department of State
state.gov · by Wendy R. Sherman, Deputy Secretary of State

DEPUTY SECRETARY SHERMAN: Hi there. Thank you for your patience; greatly appreciate it. So, good afternoon. Thank you for being here. I’m Wendy Sherman, the deputy secretary of state and the host of today’s trilateral. Republic of Korea First Vice Foreign Minister Choi, Japanese Vice Foreign Minister Mori, and I just concluded our second constructive trilateral meeting at our level since President Biden took office. We held our first wide-ranging trilateral meeting at the vice ministerial level in Tokyo in July, and it was an honor to welcome my counterparts and friends to Washington today.
I want to note at the outset that, as has been the case for some time, there are some bilateral differences between Japan and the Republic of Korea that are continuing to be resolved, and one of those differences which is unrelated to today’s meeting has led to the change in format for today’s press availability.
Nonetheless, we had a very constructive trilateral meeting today, which demonstrates exactly why the trilateral format with the United States, Japan, and the Republic of Korea is so important and powerful. America’s deep and enduring relationships with our allies and partners are one of our greatest strengths. For decades, our alliances with Japan and the Republic of Korea have been central to promoting peace, security, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.
Now we are deepening our trilateral cooperation, collaboration, and partnership to address the most pressing challenges of the 21st century. We are working together to address the climate crisis – investing in clean energy, clean transportation, and resilient infrastructure in our own countries and across the Indo-Pacific – because we know we can go further, faster by acting together.
We are working together to end the COVID-19 pandemic, including by donating millions of vaccine doses bilaterally and through COVAX to third countries in need. And we are working together to build back better from the pandemic in our own countries and around the world, including creating jobs and improving our national security by building more secure and resilient supply chains.
Today’s trilateral meeting was friendly, constructive, substantive, and lasted more than three hours. Vice Foreign Minister Mori, First Vice Foreign Minister Choi, and I covered a wide range of economic, security, and regional issues, including our mutual commitment to advancing our shared democratic values and upholding human rights. We discussed our three countries’ commitment to maintaining an inclusive, free, peaceful, stable, and open Indo-Pacific region, and our opposition to activities that undermine, destabilize, or threaten the rules-based international order. We discussed the importance of respecting international law in the Indo-Pacific, including maintaining freedom of navigation in overflight in the South China Sea and the East Sea, and of preserving peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
We reiterated our countries’ support for ASEAN centrality and the ASEAN-led regional architecture. The United States, Japan, and the Republic of Korea all recognize the important economic and security role played by ASEAN nations, including in maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific, and we are committed to working in partnership with ASEAN.
We also discussed our shared commitment to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. As we have said publicly, the United States does not harbor hostile intent toward the DPRK. We believe that diplomacy and dialogue are essential to achieving the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and establishing a permanent peace.
I want to thank First Vice Foreign Minister Choi and Vice Foreign Minister Mori again for traveling to Washington for this important trilateral meeting, so we can continue to make progress on these and many other issues. I very much look forward to our third trilateral in the new year.
Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
MR ICE: For our first question, we’ll go to Nike Ching of Voice of America.
QUESTION: Thank you so much. Madam Deputy Secretary Sherman, South Korean high-ranking officials have said that U.S. and South Korea have reached agreement on end-of-war declaration. Could you please provide more details? Also, do you have anything or is there a plan to break the stalemate and include North Koreans back to the negotiation table?
If I may, the following is on behalf of other coworkers who are not here: At the recent CSIS event, ROK’s First Vice Foreign Minister Choi described China as a strategic partner for the ROK, and he underscored that ROK trade volume with China is larger than ROK’s trade volume with the U.S. and Japan combined. So, question is: Could you please shed some light on what discussions you have with Korean and Japanese officials, regarding dealing with potential crisis in the Taiwan Strait? Would their economic relationship with China prevent them from allying with the United States? Thank you very much.
DEPUTY SECRETARY SHERMAN: So, everyone, I think, is supposed to have one question, and so I don’t want you to set an example that is bad for your colleagues but let me briefly answer you. On the issue around end-of-war statement, I’m very satisfied, the United States is very satisfied with the consultations we are having both with the Republic of Korea and with Japan, and with other allies and partners, on the best way forward to ensure the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And I look forward to those continued consultations.
Regarding the People’s Republic of China, we, of course, discussed all kinds of matters today, including our relationship with the People’s Republic of China. I think you’re all well aware that President Biden just held a virtual meeting with President Xi Jinping of China. And I think that we are all agreed that there are areas in which we are cooperating with the PRC, there are areas where we will compete and compete vigorously, and there are areas where we will challenge the PRC when our interests diverge and when we think there are risks to peace and security, and prosperity for the world. What I think is very important is that the United States, Korea, and Japan are of one mind in our work together to ensure global prosperity, peace, and security for citizens in every country.
MR ICE: For our next question, we’re going to go to Hiroshi Tajima of Yomiuri Shimbun.
DEPUTY SECRETARY SHERMAN: And if – yeah, go ahead.
QUESTION: Thank you. I ask this on behalf of Japanese media. My name is Tajima of the Yomiuri Shimbun. In recent months, North Korea has repeatedly launched missiles, posing a threat to regional security. How do you plan to deal with easing tensions while striving for denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, specifically through the lens of cooperation between the U.S., South Korea, and Japan? I’d also like to ask for your thought on South Korea’s proposal of formal declaration of the end of the Korean War. Do you agree or disagree to have the declaration at this timing? Lastly, in light of the virtual U.S.-China summit, I’d like to ask how the three nations plan to cooperate with each other trilaterally on policy toward China, particularly on jointly upholding the rules-based international order. Thank you.
DEPUTY SECRETARY SHERMAN: So, there is no question that Japan, South Korea, and the United States all agree that we need to stay compliant with UN Security Council resolutions that impose sanctions on North Korea for launching missiles that it should not. We look at each of these instances. We coordinate and consult with each other and make sure that we are taking the appropriate action. There is no sense whatsoever that we will do anything but apply sanctions, make statements, join with others when North Korea takes actions that violate those resolutions and create risks for our nations and for nations around the world.
On end of war, I’ve already made a statement to one of your journalistic colleagues that we are having good consultations amongst us and with other allies and partners, and we will continue to do so.
And regarding the People’s Republic of China, we have had deep and ongoing coordination and consultation, appreciating that we all have different kinds of relationships. But we are all strong democratic nations that believe in the rule of law. We believe in the rules-based international order, which allowed countries to rise, including China. And so, we believe that the PRC should live by that rules-based international order. And we will continue to work together collectively to keep those rules in place.
MR ICE: And for our last question, we’ll go to Hyun-Young Park of Joongang Ilbo.
QUESTION: Hello, I’m Hyun-Young Park with Joongang Ilbo. I’ll have to ask you – I’ll have to phrase a different question. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan said last month that we may have somewhat different perspectives on the precise sequence or timing or conditions for different steps on the end-of-war declaration discussions between U.S. and South Korea. Vice Minister Choi, upon his arrival to D.C. last Sunday, said that he expected a good result from discussions with the U.S. on the end-of-war declaration proposal, in the not-too-distant future. So, we have this different sentiment from both sides.
So, my question is: Did the U.S. and South Korea resolve their somewhat different perspectives on the sequence, timing, or conditions? If so, what would be the background that U.S. came to the conclusion that this is a viable proposition at this point? Will you be announcing something soon?
DEPUTY SECRETARY SHERMAN: So, what I have said and will repeat is that we are having ongoing consultations and coordination with the Republic of – Republic of Korea and Japan and other interested allies and partners. And I think that whenever we all consult and coordinate with each other, we always come out with a good result that ensures the interests of each of our countries and the overall interest of the world in peace and security.
MR ICE: And with that, we have reached the end of our press briefing today. I’d like to thank Deputy Secretary Sherman for being here with us. Thank you so much, ma’am.
DEPUTY SECRETARY SHERMAN: Thank you very much. Thank you all and have a good rest of the day. Thank you.
state.gov · by Wendy R. Sherman, Deputy Secretary of State


12. N. Korea orders regional party committees to "guarantee" military rice stores


If the regime cannot provide resources to segments of the military we could see a significant breakdown in military coherency and this could lead to a "competition" for resources among military units. Think about what that might lead to. This is why I keep asking if we are conducting sufficient contingency planning.

N. Korea orders regional party committees to "guarantee" military rice stores - Daily NK
It appears the order was issued because of delays in providing food to the military ahead of winter training
By Kim Chae Hwan - 2021.11.18 2:45pm
dailynk.com · November 18, 2021
North Korea recently ordered regional party organizations to “guarantee” military rice stores. The authorities are apparently devoting all their energy to securing food for the military ahead of the start of winter training on Dec. 1, mobilizing even local party organizations for the effort.
According to a Daily NK source in North Korea on Tuesday, the authorities issued to local party committees an order from North Korean leader Kim Jong Un early this month. The order called on local party committees to take charge of feeding military units.
The order also calls on people’s committees and management committees to make sure soldiers have daily necessities. However, North Korean authorities reportedly stressed that administrative organizations should report the results of all their administrative and financial activities to their respective party committees and carry out their efforts with party committee approval.
The source said the order reflects the North Korean authorities’ two-sided intent to elevate the status of regional party bodies by granting them key roles, while simultaneously shifting responsibility for providing food to the military.
A view of Yanggang Province from the Sino-North Korean border. / Image: Daily NK
North Korea considers the securing and provision of food for the military a top policy priority. Because of this, Kim’s measure to entrust local party committees with feeding the military appears extraordinary. One could also interpret the measure as a reflection of the urgency of North Korea’s food situation.
Regional party committees have reportedly responded to the order by convening emergency meetings to supply food to local military units.
In fact, Yanggang Province’s party committee held an emergency expanded meeting on Nov. 3 in which top officials from the party, local administration, security organs, police and prosecution took part. The participants held working-level discussions to provide food to the army’s 10th Corps (Chun-dong, Hyesan) and 12th Corps (Samsu County) and the border patrol’s 25th Brigade (Yonbong-dong, Hyesan), which are based in the province.
The meeting comprehensively verified and determined the size of food stores of locally garrisoned military units, the state of provincial rice stores and the amount of grain that could be requisitioned from cities and countries – all part of efforts to secure food to send to the military.
The source said it appeared the order was issued because of delays in providing food to the military ahead of winter training. He said local governments could not even provide 10 days of food, and there is little that cadres could do with the order to take charge of feeding the military.
He reported that the leadership, too, is well aware that securing grain will prove difficult as most administrative districts in Yanggang Province are mountainous. Though local cadres are pretending to do something since the order came down from above, they actually believe they can do nothing to implement the order, he added.
Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
dailynk.com · November 18, 2021

13. The Essence of North Korea’s ‘Our State First’

Important comments here:
It is somewhat premature to speculate on what will eventuate from the apparent shift toward an emphasis on the state. At this point, the aspect meriting attention is the potential revival of the Juseok system (presidential system). Already since February of this year, the translation in the North Korean media of Kim Jong-un’s current official position has changed from Chairman of the State Affairs Commission to President of the State Affairs Commission (Kukmu-uiwonjang). The change is motivated by a desire to demonstrate that he is a leader on a par with the presidents of the United States and China. It may be that North Korea has taken its cue from Cuba, which revived its presidential system in April 2019.
Only the English name has been changed. At this stage, the Korean name remains Kukmu-uiwonjang (Chairman of the State Affairs Commission). If the Korean name were changed to Juseok, Kim Jong-un would achieve his goal of being ranked alongside Kim Il-sung, the founding father of the nation. This year, the North Korean media began referring to Kim Jong-un using the honorific Suryeong (Supreme Leader), along with Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il. A decade after assuming power, Kim Jong-un seems to have gained confidence in his grip on the regime. His elevation to Suryeong may be a preliminary move ahead of his appointment to the nation’s top post of Juseok.
The Essence of North Korea’s ‘Our State First’
An expression offers insight into an inscrutable country.
thediplomat.com · by ISOZAKI Atsuhito · November 18, 2021
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A key expression that helps interpret North Korea today is the principle of “Our State First.” The first known use of the term was in the November 20, 2017 edition of the Rodong Sinmun newspaper, where it appeared alongside “Our People First” in the Political Commentary section.
Since that time, the national flag has been flown more often on occasions when the Workers’ Party of Korea flag would normally have been used. A recent example is the “Defense Development Exhibition ‘Self-Defense-2021’” in Pyongyang, which opened on October 11. Despite the fact that this was part of an event celebrating the 76th anniversary of the ruling Workers’ Party of Korea, on this occasion national flags outnumbered Party flags.
On New Year’s Day 2019, a song titled “Our National Flag” was released and went on to become widely promoted as President of the State Affairs Commission Kim Jong-un’s favorite song. The President’s New Year Address that day referred to the principle of “Our State First” instead of “Korean People First.” The crucial point here is that the address focused on North Korea [“Our State”], rather than on “Our People” and “Korean People,” concepts that encompass the peoples of both North and South Korea. The essence of “Our State First” should be seen as the will to preserve the Kim Dynasty rather than as the desire to abandon the unification of North and South Korea.
On August 11 this year, Director of the Unified Front Department of the Central Committee Kim Yong-chol directed fire at the Moon Jae-in administration, saying, “The South Korean authorities started again the frantic military exercises [U.S.-South Korea Joint Military Exercises] regarding our state as the enemy.” He went on, “It is clear that there is no other option for us as South Korea and the U.S. opted for confrontation with our state, without making any change.” It is notable that this is the first time North Korea has used the expression “our state” in a statement directed at South Korea. The use of the expression “our state” does not create a sense of unease for a foreign country like the United States. For South Korea, however, it had a major impact. This is due to the fact that the historic 1991 North-South Basic Agreement stipulated that “their [South and North Korea] relationship, not being a relationship as between states, is a special one constituted temporarily in the process of unification,” and that the spirit of that Agreement has endured for the past thirty years.
More than seventy years have passed since Korea was divided into North and South. The fierce competition between the two regimes during the Cold War era is now a thing of the past. South Korea has become a developed country and its defense budget is ranked among the top ten in the world. In contrast, North Korea remains the poorest country in Asia, despite possessing nuclear weapons. North Korea has confronted the reality that unification between North and South Korea is unlikely in the foreseeable future and has chosen to protect its own regime.
This aligns with the stance of President Moon Jae-in, who advocates “peaceful coexistence.” The goal is to accept the fact that the regimes of the two countries are different and at least avoid provoking an armed conflict. The handshake exchanged between the leaders of North and South Korea does not signal that reunification is closer. Quite the opposite in fact: there is no choice but to advocate “unification” while in reality further cementing the division. The North and South may be regarded as strange bedfellows with different agendas.
The fact that the Kim Jong-un administration has begun to give prominence to the state does not mean that it is neglecting the Party, however. As is the case in other socialist countries such as the former Soviet Union and China, the Party’s supremacy over the state is guaranteed by the constitution. What is gathering pace rapidly now is best described as the identification of Party and state.
An event that took place in September may be viewed in this context. On September 9, a military parade was held for the first time in ten years to celebrate the 73rd anniversary of the nation’s founding. Standing in the center of the podium were Kim Jong-un and five other members of the Presidium of the Politburo. In other words, the Politburo of the Workers’ Party took precedence over members of the State Affairs Commission at a national event. On September 29, Kim Yo-jong was appointed as a member of the State Affairs Commission while retaining his official position in the Party. This is a clear indication of the unification of Party and state.
It is somewhat premature to speculate on what will eventuate from the apparent shift toward an emphasis on the state. At this point, the aspect meriting attention is the potential revival of the Juseok system (presidential system). Already since February of this year, the translation in the North Korean media of Kim Jong-un’s current official position has changed from Chairman of the State Affairs Commission to President of the State Affairs Commission (Kukmu-uiwonjang). The change is motivated by a desire to demonstrate that he is a leader on a par with the presidents of the United States and China. It may be that North Korea has taken its cue from Cuba, which revived its presidential system in April 2019.
Only the English name has been changed. At this stage, the Korean name remains Kukmu-uiwonjang (Chairman of the State Affairs Commission). If the Korean name were changed to Juseok, Kim Jong-un would achieve his goal of being ranked alongside Kim Il-sung, the founding father of the nation. This year, the North Korean media began referring to Kim Jong-un using the honorific Suryeong (Supreme Leader), along with Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il. A decade after assuming power, Kim Jong-un seems to have gained confidence in his grip on the regime. His elevation to Suryeong may be a preliminary move ahead of his appointment to the nation’s top post of Juseok.
thediplomat.com · by ISOZAKI Atsuhito · November 18, 2021


14. How South Korea Is Attempting to Tackle Fake News

I would rather have freedom of expression even if it means fake news rather than try to naively eliminate fake news at the expense of free speech.

In America with our tradition of individualism (rugged individualism) it requires individual responsibility. People need to be responsible for the news we choose to consume and how we interpret it and not blame platforms for news sources. We do not want government regulators deciding what information we choose to consume. (I hope).

Excerpts:
Little surprise, then, that the South Korean “fake news” bill was proposed alongside legislation (which did pass) forcing Apple and Google to relinquish a degree of control over sales on their application stores. South Korean lawmakers view too-powerful tech conglomerates and politicized false reporting as related problems.
The debate South Korea is having over its “fake news” bill is the kind needs to happen in more places. It no longer makes sense to imagine that media organizations are only ever independent bodies that unconditionally make democracy better. The world needs creative attempts to reconfigure that relationship.
International groups condemning the bill also carelessly accuse South Korea’s ruling party of taking an “authoritarian” approach. Even a cursory look at the processes of proposal, deliberation, and public engagement would show that such an assessment is way off the mark. Anyone can visit the National Assembly website and peruse the hundreds of pages of minutes from committee meetings focused on just this bill.
South Korea is a country working hard — and vociferously — at its democracy. Ordinary people come out onto the streets to defend democracy passionately. They tune in to morning radio programs that carefully dissect bills, with dispassionate explanation from lawmakers recounting committee debates.
The Korean bill, whether it eventually passes or not, might not be the best solution to the politicized propagation of falsehoods. But when a thriving democracy like South Korea takes a stab at managing a problem of global relevance, it’s worth watching.

How South Korea Is Attempting to Tackle Fake News
South Korea is attempting to deal with the now-universal issue of disinformation. So why did its draft bill attract such fierce criticism?
thediplomat.com · by Hyejin Kim · November 17, 2021
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Lawmakers in South Korea have drafted a proposed revision to the country’s Press Arbitration Act. The bill would create a legal channel for victims of false claims made in the press to seek compensation from news organizations. The so-called “fake news” bill faced intense criticism from international journalism organizations, whose representatives saw an anti-democratic effort to suppress a free press. Amid debate over the proposal, the ruling party decided to delay a vote on the bill until next year.
International criticism of the bill came on the wrong grounds. South Korea is attempting to deal with the now-universal issue of media organizations — including big tech — getting caught up in the politically-motivated propagation of falsehoods. Policymakers across the world are struggling with this problem. Far from being a throwback to authoritarian suppression of independent media, the bill in South Korea is an ahead-of-the-curve effort to grapple with the changing relationship between democracy and media organizations. The point here is not that Korean legislators have found the right solution, but that it is important to recognize the shared problem they have sought to tackle.
A central concern with the bill is that a government figure or politician might use the revised act as a weapon to suppress criticism, according to a statement issued by the International Press Institute (IPI), which urged lawmakers to withdraw the bill. News organizations are worried they may face lawsuits for simply doing their job. Fear of reprisals could lead, in turn, to self-censorship. If that happens, then reporters cannot perform their function of keeping powerful people in check.
Drafters of the bill have pointed out that this concern is valid. Any attempt to regulate media comes with that risk. As records of the meetings of the legislative committee that examined and refined the bill show, lawmakers discussed and agreed on the need to protect freedom of the press. Proponents of the bill, though, set freedom of the press against “citizens’ rights.” Among these rights is the right not to be a “victim of the press.” By that, drafters mean those who have suffered because of false claims about them in the media. Slanderous articles based on little evidence can damage lives and careers — and they are published far too often in South Korea.
The low editorial standards at South Korea’s biggest news groups have their roots in a particular history. Under decades of Cold War authoritarianism, newsrooms in South Korea were permitted — if not outright encouraged — to fabricate stories that supported the regime. Newspapers could hurl unsubstantiated accusations or spread rumors, such as calling someone a “communist,” and shatter his or her reputation.
Even as the country democratized, this habit of printing unchecked claims stuck.
South Korea’s largest news outlets also belong to conglomerates with business interests in many sectors, media being just one of them. The primary media groups in South Korea are not fourth-estate watchdogs — though the country has those — but rather arms of major corporations that are embedded in the country’s power structure.
Among the “victims of the press” are elected politicians. While scrutiny of public figures is a key job of the media, powerful press organizations can create scandals wholesale and depose public figures who should be accountable to voters. As Choe Sang-hun of The New York Times writes, “Hardly a day passes without newspapers and social media accounts in South Korea carrying poorly sourced reports of corruption.”
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In this politics of invented scandal, powerful and unaccountable media groups lay siege to democratic systems of accountability — and they hide behind the banner of “freedom of the press” as they do it. Particular interests can then, in undemocratic fashion, derail initiatives that policymakers were elected to pursue.
This inversion of the expected role of the press in a free society should sound familiar. Its effects are similar to the distorting influence of big tech’s digital platforms: a set of media organizations, backed by impressive wealth, propagates news stories and opinions in ways that have political consequences but claims no editorial responsibility. Nobody wishes to impose limits on healthy speech, but there is broad consensus today that social media platforms need regulation.
Little surprise, then, that the South Korean “fake news” bill was proposed alongside legislation (which did pass) forcing Apple and Google to relinquish a degree of control over sales on their application stores. South Korean lawmakers view too-powerful tech conglomerates and politicized false reporting as related problems.
The debate South Korea is having over its “fake news” bill is the kind needs to happen in more places. It no longer makes sense to imagine that media organizations are only ever independent bodies that unconditionally make democracy better. The world needs creative attempts to reconfigure that relationship.
International groups condemning the bill also carelessly accuse South Korea’s ruling party of taking an “authoritarian” approach. Even a cursory look at the processes of proposal, deliberation, and public engagement would show that such an assessment is way off the mark. Anyone can visit the National Assembly website and peruse the hundreds of pages of minutes from committee meetings focused on just this bill.
South Korea is a country working hard — and vociferously — at its democracy. Ordinary people come out onto the streets to defend democracy passionately. They tune in to morning radio programs that carefully dissect bills, with dispassionate explanation from lawmakers recounting committee debates.
The Korean bill, whether it eventually passes or not, might not be the best solution to the politicized propagation of falsehoods. But when a thriving democracy like South Korea takes a stab at managing a problem of global relevance, it’s worth watching.
thediplomat.com · by Hyejin Kim · November 17, 2021


15.  Squid Game is even being watched in North Korea

I am looking forward to hearing from escapees from North Korea about their assessment of how this is being received in the north.  I hope RFA and Daily nK will report on this.

We should have no fear that the regime will spin this for propaganda purposes in the north. The more they do the more they call attention to the South's right of freedom of expression. The fact that such a movie that can be interpreted as critical of South Korean society can be produced and aired without any government intervention is a testament to freedom of expression and the Koreans in the north can compare that to the fact that all media in the north is produced by the regime with the approval of the Propaganda and Agitation Department and is only favorable to the regime. There is no media produced in the north that is in any way critical of the regime, the party, the military, and society (except when Kim wants to blame specific individuals or organizations for failures).




Squid Game is even being watched in North Korea
cnet.com · by Daniel Van Boom

Netflix
Last month North Korean propaganda decried Squid Game, Netflix's latest smash hit series, as an indictment on South Korea's capitalist system. It's slightly embarrassing, then, that some North Koreans are watching the show in spite of the government's best attempts to censor and block cultural exports from the south.
"Squid Game has been able to enter the country on memory storage devices such as USB flash drives and SD cards, which are smuggled in by ship and then make their way inland," a North Korean resident told Radio Free Asia, a US-funded radio service in Asia.
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The resident said Squid Game speaks to both North Korean's (few) wealthy citizens, who are themselves trapped in a life-or-death situation where the spectre of imprisonment or execution always looms, as well as the country's young people. "They secretly watch the show under their blankets at night on their portable media players," the resident said.
Squid Game, which became a sensation after it started streaming in September, focuses on a desperately indebted group of people in South Korea. They're first tricked into a deadly tournament of children's games -- "Squid Game" is the name of a popular schoolyard game in South Korea -- but then many of them volunteer to come back, realizing the games may be their only chance to win the money they need to survive. The odds of survival aren't good -- think the Hunger Games, only featuring contests such as red light, green light and marbles.
It's impossible to know at what scale the show is being watched in North Korea, but the fact that people are watching it at all is remarkable. North Korea is a hermit nation in normal times, but it became even more insular in response to the pandemic. It's shut its border into China, one country Squid Game is being smuggled from, leading to food shortages that the UN said has worsened supply for an already starving population. Last year North Korea's government passed an "anti-reactionary thought" law that imposed drastic punishment for people found to have distributed or consumed foreign media, meaning spreading or watching Squid Game risks incurring a death penalty.
"Law enforcement is not playing around with the new law and they are fiercely trying to root out every instance of capitalist culture," a second resident told Radio Free Asia. "But times are tough due to the pandemic, so even the police are struggling to make ends meet. Putting a few bucks in their pocket will make them go away if you get caught watching South Korean media. So that means more and more people here will watch Squid Game moving forward."
Wary of culture from South Korea, North Korea's regime has tried to spin the show as proof that capitalism doesn't work, with state media last month calling it 'the reality of living in a world where people are judged only by money."
"It is said that [Squid Game] makes people realize the sad reality of the beastly South Korean society in which human beings are driven into extreme competition and their humanity is being wiped out," state-run media wrote.

cnet.com · by Daniel Van Boom


16. More dire trade figures for North Korea

I wonder how a failed economy can fail even more?

I am reminded of this slide we used back in the 1990s based on Nick Eberstadt's critical work. The regime has been through a lot of crises. But I do not think its economy every recovered from these failures from 1985 (when the regime was subsidized by the USSR and PRC) to 1998 after the Arduous March of the famine of 1994-1996.





More dire trade figures for North Korea
By Benjamin Katzeff Silberstein
Amid speculation on when trade flows between North Korea and China might again be restored, new numbers show a significant dip in trade between the two countries in October. According to new Chinese customs figures, trade fell 40 percent between September and October, after a fairly steady but moderate climb in the months before.
Officially recorded trade, that is. There is likely a limit to what quantities of bulky goods such as coal can be smuggled, but it would be surprising, given China’s demand for coal at the moment, if total Chinese imports from North Korea during the last month weren’t higher than reported. North Korean coal is relatively cheap and China is virtually a monopoly buyer.
At the same time, these numbers do break the general but modest trend of increasing trade in the months before. While the construction of quarantine facilities and refurbishments of the cross-border infrastructure do indicate that trade might resume in a not too distant future, when this might be still remains an open question.

This entry was posted on Thursday, November 18th, 2021 at 5:19 am and is filed under ChinaInternational trade. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. You can , or trackback from your own site.










V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Personal Email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
Web Site: www.fdd.org
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Subscribe to FDD’s new podcastForeign Podicy
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.

V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Personal Email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
Web Site: www.fdd.org
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Subscribe to FDD’s new podcastForeign Podicy
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.

If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."
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