Quotes of the Day:
"Preventing war is much better than protesting against the war. Protesting the war is too late."
- Thich Nhat Hanh
“So live your life that the fear of death can never enter your heart. Trouble no one about their religion; respect others in their view, and demand that they respect yours. Love your life, perfect your life, beautify all things in your life. Seek to make your life long and its purpose in the service of your people. Prepare a noble death song for the day when you go over the great divide. Always give a word or a sign of salute when meeting or passing a friend, even a stranger, when in a lonely place. Show respect to all people and grovel to none. When you arise in the morning give thanks for the food and for the joy of living. If you see no reason for giving thanks, the fault lies only in yourself. Abuse no one and no thing, for abuse turns the wise ones to fools and robs the spirit of its vision. When it comes your time to die, be not like those whose hearts are filled with the fear of death, so that when their time comes they weep and pray for a little more time to live their lives over again in a different way. Sing your death song and die like a hero going home.”
- Chief Tecumseh
“Second we find in our prerevolutionary society definite and indeed very bitter class antagonisms, though these antagonisms seem rather more complicated than the cruder Marxists will allow.”
- Crane Brinton
1. The Shocking Life of a North Korean Female Soldier: The Reality of North Korea!
2. Pentagon’s military presence review done, but details lacking on new deployments, troop plus-ups or home-port shifts
3. Biden Approves Global Posture Review Recommendations
4. U.S. global posture review calls for allies' cooperation to counter N.K., China threats
5. N. Korea slams AUKUS as U.S. 'tool for war' threatening world security
6. Food aid to North Korea leads to starvation | Opinion
7. What Does US Want From South Korea’s Presidential Election?
8. South Korea and America Must Look Beyond Pyongyang
9. Pentagon calls for enhancing alliance to deter China, NK in review
10. U.S. affirms nuclear umbrella over South Korea
11. 'Little America in Korea': Yongsan US Army homes open up to Korean public
12. S. Korea approves civic groups' applications for N. Korea aid: official
13. Kim Jong Un gives new authority to sister Kim Yo Jong to inspect military logistics
14. ＜Inside N. Korea＞ Malignant Influenza Outbreak in North Korea: "Could it be coronavirus?"
1. The Shocking Life of a North Korean Female Soldier: The Reality of North Korea!
What a brutal story. I need to offer a trigger warning as some people watching and listening to this may not be able to handle this account of the soldier's life and treatment. It is difficult if not impossible for those of us who have lived all our lives in freedom to fathom the depravity of the regime and the immense hardship of the Korean people who suffer from the crimes against humanity of the regime. De Oppresso Liber (we must help the oppressed to free themselves)
The Shocking Life of a North Korean Female Soldier: The Reality of North Korea!
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Jennifer Kim, a former North Korean female soldier shares the horrific experience she had during her military service in North Korea.
Produced by Doohyun (Jake) Kim
About The Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK):
The Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK) seeks to raise awareness about conditions in North Korea and to publish research that focuses the world's attention on human rights abuses in that country. At the same time, the Committee is seeking creative solutions for improving human rights in North Korea.
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2. Pentagon’s military presence review done, but details lacking on new deployments, troop plus-ups or home-port shifts
I missed the changes moving the fires brigade HQ and aviation unit to South Korea.
But I hope INDOPACOM does not cut off its nose to spite USFK/USFJ's face. More rotational deployments are fine but if they are talking about reducing force posture in Japan and Korea they be may at the top of a slippery slope.
Excerpts:
Another posture review move came in September, when the Army announced it would move an artillery headquarters from Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Washington, to South Korea. A previously rotational attack helicopter unit will also be permanently based in South Korea.
As far as other Indo-Pacific Command moves, the official wouldn’t confirm any findings or recommendations.
Pentagon’s military presence review done, but details lacking on new deployments, troop plus-ups or home-port shifts
The Pentagon announced Monday that it has completed a far-reaching review of U.S. military presence around the world. But it won’t say what it found out, or any details about the recommended next steps, other than that some more reviews are in order.
The review’s results are classified, a senior defense official told reporters on Monday.
“We endeavor to be as transparent as possible, but to avoid giving our adversaries any advantage, we need to protect details on any immediate changes in our posture,” the official said.
At the same time, the official added, there is a good amount of negotiation that still needs to be done with partner nations before moves are made.
“Publicly engaging on these issues before unnecessary consultations have run their course would betray the confidentiality of our bilateral discussions and undermine trust in our relationships,” the official said.
This will be in stark contrast to President Donald Trump’s administration, the official said.
RELATED
Air Force Gen. John Hyten will step down in November.
“On a number of occasions in the previous administration, posture decisions were made or announced without a deliberative process and without due consideration of global trade-offs, risk to strategy, interagency coordination and impact to allies and partners,” the official said. “We saw this in the announcements on Syria and Afghanistan, the approach to Iran and the 25,000 active duty force cap in Germany that the Trump administration implemented.”
Some of this has already been reversed, the official added, as part of the posture review. President Joe Biden in February overturned Trump’s decision to send nearly 12,000 troops home from Europe, the majority of whom are based in Germany.
Any further changes will be coordinated with allies, the official said, declining to offer details on how the review’s results can pump up deterrence against Russia, whose recent activities seem to threaten an invasion of Ukraine.
Another posture review move came in September, when the Army announced it would move an artillery headquarters from Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Washington, to South Korea. A previously rotational attack helicopter unit will also be permanently based in South Korea.
As far as other Indo-Pacific Command moves, the official wouldn’t confirm any findings or recommendations.
In the Middle East and Africa, where troop levels have shifted greatly in the past year, the official said only that the plan in Iraq and Syria remains to support efforts to defeat ISIS. For both regions, further posture review is necessary, the official added.
One expected conclusion from the posture review had been a decision on Somalia. The Trump administration abruptly pulled out all troops operating there, alongside the local government, against al-Qaida affiliated al-Shabaab, early this year.
Since then, Africa Command leaders have been flying down to the country for meetings and exercises, while rank-and-file troops have been based in Djibouti and Kenya.
Any decision on Somalia is, for the moment, classified.
Meghann Myers is the Pentagon bureau chief at Military Times. She covers operations, policy, personnel, leadership and other issues affecting service members. Follow on Twitter @Meghann_MT
3. Biden Approves Global Posture Review Recommendations
Now that the GFPR review has been completed, using the information that has been released to the public some may find it useful to review FDD's Defending Forward Monograph to serve as a yardstick for comparison.
For those interested in Korea and Japan you can scroll down to those chapters at the above link or access them directly here.
Partnering With Seoul to Deter Pyongyang
Japan Remains the Cornerstone of the Pacific
See an excellent Twitter thread from my FDD colleague Brad Bowman's initial assessment of the information we have so far on the GFPR.
My initial thoughts on INDOPACOM and specifically Korea and Japan:
Based on open source reports and the DOD statement it does not seem that there were many significant changes to US force posture. I think two factors influence the outcome. First is the US maintains global interests and requires military presence in multiple theaters to support US national security objectives. The second reason is that the US cannot unilaterally re-station forces in theaters without host nation agreement and support. There are few nations, particularly in INDOPACOM, that will be willing to host a permanent US presence and the establishment of permanent US bases. While the US military has transitioned to rotational force presence in recent years, particularly in Europe and INDOPACOM, I believe there is a realization that rotational forces cannot replace permanently stationed forces and that the bases, particularly in Japan and Korea, remain important to U.S. national security and therefore they should be maintained with sufficient forces to support US and alliance national objectives.
I think the permanent stationing of a previously rotational attack helicopter squadron and an artillery headquarters in Korea is based on prior agreements with the ROK and also that it illustrates the understanding that certain (but not all) permanently stationed forces may be more effective for being "ready to fight tonight" to support the defense of Korea than rotational forces. Lastly, I think that it is easier to deploy forces from Japan and Korea than from CONUS. While Japan and Korea do provide optimal locations due to distance to South and Southeast Asia for example, the existing infrastructure is likely considered more useful than temporary infrastructure supporting rotational forces and again the distance is less than from CONUS.
Biden Approves Global Posture Review Recommendations
President Joe Biden has accepted the recommendations formed by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III on the global posture review, Mara Karlin, performing the duties of deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, announced today.
Press Conference
Mara E. Karlin, performing the duties of deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, briefs reporters on the recommendations of the global posture review in the Pentagon Press Briefing Room, Washington, D.C., Nov. 29, 2021.
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Photo By: Air Force Staff Sgt. Brittany A. Chase, DOD
VIRIN: 211129-D-D0439-101
While there are changes in the global footprint, the main benefit from the review is it "will inform our approach to the national defense strategy," Karlin said during a Pentagon news conference.
The global posture review was guided by President Joe Biden's interim national security strategy released earlier this year.
"That guidance asserts that the United States will lead with diplomacy first, revitalize our unmatched network of allies and partners and make smart and disciplined choices regarding our national defense and responsible use of our military," Karlin said. "Nested within this guidance, the global posture review assesses DOD overseas forces and footprint along with the framework and processes that govern our posture decision making."
The main outcome of the review is the return to normal of determining military posture around the world and tying that to America's strategic alignment, an official speaking on background earlier in the day said. "The GPR has strengthened our decision making processes by deliberately connecting strategic priorities, global trade-offs, force readiness and modernization, interagency coordination and allied and partner coordination to global posture planning and decisions," the official said.
It is no surprise that the Indo-Pacific is the priority region for the review, given the secretary's focus on China as America's pacing challenge. The review directs additional cooperation with allies and partners to advance initiatives that contribute to regional stability and deter Chinese military aggression and threats from North Korea, Karlin said.
These initiatives include seeking greater regional access for military partnership activities, enhancing infrastructure in Guam and Australia and prioritizing military construction across the Pacific Islands. They also include new U.S. rotational aircraft deployments and logistics cooperation in Australia, which DOD announced in September.
The review also approved the stationing of a previously rotational attack helicopter squadron and an artillery division headquarters in the Republic of Korea.
More initiatives are forthcoming in the region, but these require more discussions among the allies and remain classified, Karlin said.
In Europe, the review looks to strengthen the U.S. combat deterrent against Russia, and enable NATO forces to operate more effectively, she said. DOD has already instituted a couple of recommendations including lifting the 25,000-man cap on active duty troops in Germany imposed by the previous administration and the decision to permanently base a multi-domain task force and theater fires command — a total of 500 U.S. Army personnel — in Wiesbaden, Germany. DOD will also retain seven sites previously designated for return to Germany and Belgium under the European infrastructure consolidation plan. The review identified additional capabilities that will enhance U.S. deterrence posture in Europe, and these will be discussed with allies in the near future, Karlin said.
In the Middle East, again, there have already been some posture review changes including the redeployment of critically strained missile defense capabilities, and reallocation of certain maritime assets back to Europe and the Indo-Pacific. In Iraq and Syria, the review indicates that DOD posture will continue to support the defeated Islamic State campaign and build the capacity of partner forces, Karlin said.
"Looking ahead, the global posture review directs the department to conduct an additional analysis on enduring posture requirements in the Middle East," she said. "As Secretary Austin noted … we have global responsibilities and must ensure the readiness and modernization of our forces. These considerations require us to make continuous changes to our Middle East posture, but we always have the capability to rapidly deploy forces to the region based on the threat environment."
In considering forces in Africa, analysis from the review supports several ongoing interagency reviews to ensure DOD has an appropriately scoped posture to monitor threats from regional violent extremist organizations, support American diplomatic activities and enable allies and partners, according to the official.
Press Conference
Mara E. Karlin, performing the duties of deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, briefs reporters on the recommendations of the global posture review in the Pentagon Press Briefing Room, Washington, D.C., Nov. 29, 2021.
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Photo By: Air Force Staff Sgt. Brittany A. Chase, DOD
VIRIN: 211129-D-D0439-102
Finally, in Central and South America and the Caribbean, the review looks at DOD posture in support of national security objectives, including humanitarian assistance, disaster relief and counterdrug missions. "The GPR directs that DOD posture continue to support U.S. government efforts on the range of transnational challenges and to add to defense partnership activities in the region," the official said.
The Global Posture Review has been a whole-of-government effort and includes input from allies and partners worldwide. President Biden ordered the review on February 4. He tasked Austin to assess alignment of overseas DOD posture with his national security guidance. Austin led the review with participation and guidance from the National Security Council, the U.S. State Department, the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence.
4. U.S. global posture review calls for allies' cooperation to counter N.K., China threats
Alliances are a key pillar of our national security strategy.
U.S. global posture review calls for allies' cooperation to counter N.K., China threats | Yonhap News Agency
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- The U.S. Department of Defense has concluded its review of the global defense posture, calling for cooperation with allies and partner countries to deter North Korean threats and potential Chinese aggression.
Following months of analysis, the Pentagon released the results of the 2021 Global Posture Review (GPR) on Monday (U.S. time) at a time when Washington has been striving to reinforce cooperation with friendly nations against an increasingly assertive China and a nuclear-ambitious North Korea.
"In the Indo-Pacific, the review directs additional cooperation with allies and partners to advance initiatives that contribute to regional stability and deter potential Chinese military aggression and threats from North Korea," the Pentagon said in a press release.
The GPR assessed the U.S. military's defense posture across major regions outside the U.S., and developed near-term posture adjustments and analysis on longer-term strategic matters, according to the Pentagon.
Related to the Korean Peninsula, the department said that the GPR informed Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin's approval of the permanent stationing of a previously rotational attack helicopter squadron and artillery division headquarters here.
It appeared to be referring to the permanent stationing of the two units that the Eighth U.S. Army, stationed in South Korea, already announced in September. The two are the 5-17th Heavy Armed Reconnaissance Squadron (HARS) and the Headquarters and Headquarters Battalion, 2nd Infantry Division Artillery (HBB, DIVARTY).
Though the department did not go into detail, the GPR appears to be focusing on military reinforcements on Guam and in Australia, a key U.S. ally with which the U.S. has recently been strengthening security cooperation through a nuclear-powered submarine deal that also involves Britain.
"These (defense) initiatives include seeking greater regional access for military partnership activities; enhancing infrastructure in Australia and the Pacific Islands; and planning rotational aircraft deployments in Australia, as announced in September," the Pentagon said.
The Pentagon did not hint at any major realignment of American forces in South Korea and in the adjacent region, though speculation has lingered that the U.S. could seek adjustments to the role of the U.S. Forces Korea in order to help counter security challenges from China.
sshluck@yna.co.kr
(END)
5. N. Korea slams AUKUS as U.S. 'tool for war' threatening world security
Are these supporting fires for China's Propaganda and Agitation Department?
N. Korea slams AUKUS as U.S. 'tool for war' threatening world security | Yonhap News Agency
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- North Korea has criticized a new trilateral security partnership among Australia, Britain and the United States as an American "tool for war" that poses "serious threats" to world peace.
In a commentary posted on the North's foreign ministry website Monday, the Korea-Asia Association said the international community should be wary of the initiative, called AUKUS, that "brings dark clouds of a nuclear war to the world."
"(The concerns) come from the fact that the security platform plans to transfer to Australia the technologies to build a nuclear-powered submarine from the U.S. which is the world's largest country of war and invasion," it said.
Announcing the launch of the initiative in September, U.S. President Joe Biden said the member countries will consult on Australia's acquisition of nuclear-powered submarines as a first step.
The announcement came amid growing competition between the U.S. and China, with Washington frequently accusing Beijing of undermining a rules-based order in the region.
China has also lambasted AUKUS as a formation of a maritime "clique" that will only exacerbate an arms race and undermine global efforts against nuclear proliferation.
scaaet@yna.co.kr
(END)
6. Food aid to North Korea leads to starvation | Opinion
Comments from Tara O and me.
Food aid to North Korea leads to starvation | Opinion
Newsweek · by Gordon G. Chang · November 29, 2021
A North Korean court on November 10 sentenced two cadres to life imprisonment for "anti-socialist and non-socialist acts"—in this case, "violating the closed border." The officials, trying to alleviate a severe food shortage in North Hamgyong province, were buying rice from China.
The convictions come as the Democratic People's Republic of Korea heads into another famine, perhaps even worse than the four-year "Arduous March" of the mid-1990s. Then, perhaps as many as 3.5 million people died, representing more than 10 percent of the population.
North Korea's people have just been told to not expect relief until 2025. "Some of the residents are saying that the situation right now is so serious that they don't know if they can even survive the coming winter," said a "source," a resident in the border town of Sinuiju, to Radio Free Asia Korean Service on October 21. "They say that telling us to endure hardship until 2025 is the same as telling us to starve to death."
Many North Koreans have already starved to death. Moreover, some had to sell homes for food last winter and then died of exposure. This year, winter has come earlier than normal and has been colder than before.
There is never enough food in North Korea. The UN estimates that, even in pre-pandemic 2019, 43 percent of the North Korean population was "food insecure."
Then COVID-19 hit the North hard. Supremo Kim Jong-un, in an attempt to stop coronavirus infections, closed down land borders in January of last year, enforcing his draconian decree with shoot-to-kill orders.
The lockdown severed crucial trade flows. Last year, according to Chinese statistics, two-way trade with China, which normally accounts for about 90 percent of the North's international commerce, fell 80.7 percent. North Koreans, therefore, were cut off from shipments of food, fertilizer and other agricultural items.
The government's responses to the pandemic, therefore, severely reduced agricultural production. When Pyongyang ordered World Food Program staff to leave in the summer of last year, the program estimated that 10.3 million North Koreans—more than 40 percent of the population—suffered from malnutrition. South Korea's Korea Development Institute estimates the North's harvest was 4.4 million tons last year, well short of the 5.7 million tons needed to feed the country.
In April, North Korean authorities told people to be prepared for a situation worse than the Arduous March. In June, Kim issued a special order, directing officials to feed people. In October, he said the people must conserve "every grain" of rice. Late that month, the Workers' Party's main newspaper told citizens to eat black swans. "Black swan meat," wrote Rodong Sinmun, "is delicious and has medicinal value."
Unfortunately, there are not enough black swans. "Even by North Korean standards, the economic situation is dire," writes Harry Clynch, in a Spectator piece titled, "North Korea Is On the Verge of a Humanitarian Collapse."
North Korea's leader Kim Jong-un before a meeting with US President Donald Trump on the south side of the Military Demarcation Line that divides North and South Korea, in the Joint Security Area (JSA) of Panmunjom in the Demilitarized zone (DMZ) on June 30, 2019. BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP via Getty Images
"I am very concerned that the suffering in North Korea could be worse than the Arduous March of the great famine," David Maxwell, who served five tours of duty in Korea with the U.S. Army, told Newsweek.
Maxwell, now at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, points out that two "safety valves" saved the Kim regime at the end of the 1990s famine. First, there was the development of the informal—and illegal—markets throughout the country after the failure of the regime's Public Distribution System. "These markets have provided the foundation of resilience for the population for more than two decades," he says. Kim Jong-un, however, has used the pandemic as an excuse to close the informal markets and reassert greater control over the economy.
The second safety valve was Seoul's Sunshine Policy, which provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid for the purpose of transforming regime behavior. The effort totally failed to change North Korea, but that has not stopped South Korean President Moon Jae-in from trying to support the DPRK, as the Kim regime calls itself.
What is stopping Moon, however, are UN Security Council sanctions, which were imposed on the North for, among other things, ballistic missile and nuclear weapons programs.
Why not send in trucks with assistance? The essential problem is the diversion of food aid from intended recipients. "The Kim regime controls the distribution system and prioritizes a certain class of people—the elites who help run the system," Tara O of the East Asia Research Center and the Hudson Institute tells Newsweek. "In the past, North Korea even exported food aid in the midst of famine, and it's likely it used the foreign currency derived from the sales for other purposes, such as nuclear weapons development."
As O, a former U.S. Air Force officer, says, "North Korea has faced chronic food shortages for decades, and it never addressed the root causes, which is its control system of central planning, skewed prioritization and isolation." Food aid, she points out, "would be used to perpetuate the very system that brings about hunger."
O is right. Donors unfortunately allow the regime to distribute their food, which leads to a multitude of ills, including the regime bragging that other nations are sending tribute to the Kim family. That's why the regime continues to practice "mendicant diplomacy."
Food donations to the DPRK are way down this year, but they are continuing, especially from China and South Korea. These donations, in a real sense, bolster the most brutal ruling group on earth. Aid is necessarily fungible. Every dollar of food assistance means Kim Jong-un can devote one fewer dollar to agriculture, and one more to concentration camps or plutonium production.
International assistance, unfortunately, condemns future generations of Koreans to live in wretched conditions.
"Hunger is a perpetual problem under this system," O tells Newsweek. The cruel reality is that food aid to the Kim regime leads only to more hunger and starvation.
Gordon G. Chang is the author of The Coming Collapse of China and Losing South Korea. Follow him on Twitter: @GordonGChang.
The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.
Newsweek · by Gordon G. Chang · November 29, 2021
7. What Does US Want From South Korea’s Presidential Election?
But we cannot take our eye off the ball in north korea.
Excerpts:
Experts said the next election will be critical for the Biden administration as Washington is looking toward South Korea’s next president to play a crucial role in support of Washington’s top foreign policy agenda, which is countering China’s military aggression in Asia, according to experts.
What Does US Want From South Korea’s Presidential Election?
November 30, 2021 3:24 AM
Christy Lee
Experts say the Biden administration wants the next South Korean president to forge a strong alliance with the United States to defend an East Asia increasingly overshadowed by China’s aggression and to tackle North Korea’s threats.
The South Korean presidential election is scheduled for March 9, 2022. The leading contenders are Lee Jae-myung of the ruling Democratic Party and Yoon Seok-yeol of the opposition People Power Party.
Experts said the next election will be critical for the Biden administration as Washington is looking toward South Korea’s next president to play a crucial role in support of Washington’s top foreign policy agenda, which is countering China’s military aggression in Asia, according to experts.
FILE - Former prosecutor general Yoon Seok-yeol from South Korea's main opposition People Power Party waves after being chosen as the party's candidate in next year's presidential election in Seoul on Nove. 5, 2021.
Ken Gause, director or the Adversary Analytics Program at CNA, a think tank in Arlington, Virginia, said, “The way the U.S. looks at Asia policy right now, China is the most important [concern].”
“What (the Biden administration) wants to do is show a united front against Chinese aggressive behavior or unconventional behavior in the region, and would like to have South Korea that is willing to stand up and be part of that pushback in the region like Washington looks toward Australia and Japan,” Gause said.
The Biden administration has been marshalling its allies in Asia to offset what Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Chinese “coercion and aggression” when he visited Japan in March. Tokyo was the first stop in his first overseas trip that also included a visit to South Korea.
Washington formed the AUKUS trilateral security pact with Australia and the United Kingdom in September to defend against Chinese military aggression and has been working closely with the Australian, Japanese and Indian leaders of the Quad Security Dialogue to discuss maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific amid China’s assertive moves in the region.
The U.S. has held several multilateral military exercises in the Indo-Pacific region that included Australia and Japan. The most recent began this past weekend off the southern coast of Japan.
Kim Byung-min, spokesperson for presidential candidate Yoon, told VOA’s Korean Service that “Yoon is exploring various ways to upgrade consultation mechanisms between Seoul and Washington.” These would include meetings between the defense officials of the two countries to work on an agenda that “involves the policy and role of China,” such as maintaining freedom of navigation and overflight.
Lee’s camp said, “Lee Jae-myung is fully aware of the multifaceted challenges caused by China’s growing influence in various areas such as politics, economy, cybersecurity and advanced technology.”
FILE - Gyeonggi governor Lee Jae-myung, South Korea's ruling Democratic Party contender for next year's presidential election, speaks during the final race to choose their presidential election candidate in Seoul on Oct. 10, 2021.
The camp added, “All countries in the region, including the U.S. and China, should work based on the principle of mutual respect.”
Robert Manning, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, said Washington does not look for Seoul to choose sides between the U.S. and China, South Korea’s most important trading partner, but does expect Seoul to enforce the rules-based order in its economic relations with Beijing.
Scott Snyder, director of the program on U.S.-Korea policy at the Council on Foreign Relations, said, “The orientation of South Korean foreign policies toward North Korea and China will have an influence on what is possible for the U.S. and South Korea to accomplish together, so the new South Korean president and his policies may either constrain or enable the alliance as it grapples with policy toward both of those countries.”
The VOA’s Korean Service asked the Chinese Embassy in Washington how important the South Korean presidential election is for Beijing, but the press office declined to comment, and referred VOA to the Chinese Embassy in Seoul and the Chinese Foreign Ministry, which has yet to respond.
Experts said the U.S. is also looking for the next South Korean president to work closely with its other main East Asia ally, Japan. The role would involve not only coordinating their policies in countering China but also in dealing with provocations conducted by North Korea using its nuclear weapon and missile programs.
Evans Revere, a former State Department official with extensive experience negotiating with North Korea, said, Washington is looking to “strengthen trilateral U.S.-ROK-Japan cooperation.” Revere used the acronym for South Korea’s official name, the Republic of Korea.
Historical animosity over Japanese colonization of the Korean Peninsula and the territorial dispute over the Liancourt Rocks in the East Sea, a group of islets South Korea calls Dokdo, and Japan calls Takeshima, have strained the Seoul-Tokyo relations, making it difficult for Washington to work with its two allies.
Gause, of the CNA think tank, said, “If those three countries, that alliance, becomes weakened, then, it becomes much more difficult to deal with North Korea, much more difficult to deal with China, and potentially is a recipe for instability in the region.”
Revere said regardless of who wins the South Korean election, Washington expects South Korea’s next president to defend the values of democracy.
“At this moment, with authoritarianism and anti-democratic thinking on the rise in so many places, perhaps the most important outcome of the upcoming ROK presidential election for the United States will be to demonstrate the continuing strength and viability of democracy,” he said.
VOA Korean Service journalist Hyungjin Kim contributed to this report from Seoul, South Korea.
8. South Korea and America Must Look Beyond Pyongyang
I think the Biden-Moon summit really illustrated the future of the ROK/US alliance and the potential for global and regional cooperation beyond the north Korean threat.
We should be using the joint statement and the fact sheet from the summit to track execution of the policies and plans agreed to by Biden and Moon. These two documents are a pretty useful blueprint for the alliance.
However, I will always caution that as long as the Kim family regime exists we must not neglect the existential threat to the ROK.
Excerpts:
The virtual summit between President Biden and Chairman Xi underscored the reality that U.S.-China relations have entered a new phase of more competitive ties. Cooperation will be sought in areas such as climate change and public health. But a new type of major power relationship is needed, and it’s not the one-dimensionally rosy narrative scripted in Beijing. Instead, the current trajectory for U.S.-China relations amounts to what National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan likens to peaceful coexistence. Professor Joseph Nye calls the relationship a “cooperative rivalry”—a great power relationship in which there is at times intense competition over rules, critical technology, and political ideology, but which does not break into outright conflict.
South Korea need not align further with the United States against China but rather for fair international rules. The real choice facing both countries is whether to allow the prevailing order to be unilaterally altered to suit Beijing’s preferences, or to take additional measures to promote rules congruent with democratic interests and values. This is why improved relations among South Korea, Japan, and the United States, are in the mutual interest of all three countries.
When South Korean culture is making a global statement, it’s time for Seoul to enhance its influence in other ways, too. U.S.-South Korean relations need to move beyond a dominant focus on North Korea. While ensuring sufficient attention to both deterrence and diplomacy—to preempt miscalculation and avert an unbridled arms race—the United States and South Korea should look forward to the spring of 2022 as an opportunity to forge deeper ties aimed at guiding the wider region. By building durable rules, advancing technological innovation and secure supply chains, and protecting human rights, the U.S.-South Korea alliance can move from managing Pyongyang to shaping the emerging security environment for decades to come.
South Korea and America Must Look Beyond Pyongyang
As Beijing continues to push its preferences on the international order, it is time for South Korea and the United States to look beyond Pyongyang and assert more significant influence throughout the Indo-Pacific region.
by Patrick M. Cronin and Yoo Jin Bae
The announcement that South Korean technology giant Samsung will build a $17 billion semiconductor manufacturing facility in Texas is a bellwether for the future. The move is a win-win for Texas and Samsung. Even more important, it plants a milestone in U.S.-South Korean attempts to transition the bilateral alliance away from a near-exclusive focus on North Korea and towards a market democracy bulwark in the long-term competition with China.
As South Koreans prepare for another presidential election, the two leading contenders once again represent political opposites. Yet, no matter who wins, South Korea and the United States are likely to remain united over North Korea but often at loggerheads in managing China. That’s what has happened after past elections. As Beijing continues to push its preferences on the international order, it is time for South Korea and the United States to look beyond Pyongyang and assert more significant influence throughout the Indo-Pacific region.
The disparity between Seoul and Washington’s relations with Pyongyang and Beijing may seem an artifact of contrasting national security and economic interests. While South Koreans see inter-Korean ties through a domestic lens, the United States guarantees “extended deterrence using its full range of capabilities” to keep the peace. In contrast, although China is a top foreign policy issue, South Koreans are protective of their largest trading partner. South Korea is also China’s fifth-largest provider of imports, and despite disruptions from Covid-19, trade has been resilient in recent months.
Still, the South Korean presidential election in March affects how Seoul and Washington deal with North Korea and China. Governor Lee Jae-myung, the progressive standard-bearer for the ruling Democratic Party, has noted North Korea’s “inhumane” regime. Despite this, he would follow a variation of Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine Policy, including President Moon Jae-in’s effort to establish a peace regime on the peninsula. He is also apt to tread lightly over relations with China.
Meanwhile, populist former prosecutor Yoon Seok-youl, the rival People’s Power Party candidate, would seek a firmer posture toward North Korea, which he has dubbed a “failed” state with an “obsolete” system. Less clear is to what extent Yoon Seok-youl might align more closely with the United States in standing up to China’s sometimes brazen behavior.
A Turning Point
North Korea’s arms buildup and China’s assertiveness make the March 2022 South Korean presidential election a turning point. These deleterious trends are likely to force the next occupant of the Blue House to make more explicit choices about how far to work with the United States in shoring up deterrence on and off the peninsula and preserving an international rules-based order.
Moon is finishing his single five-year term in office without securing a durable North-South rapprochement. Even if he could agree on a statement about peace (aka “an end-of-war declaration”), North Korea continues to modernize and expand its nuclear and missile forces. Kim Jong-un’s desire to possess a nuclear-armed missile threat to the U.S. homeland poses an insuperable obstacle to meaningful peace. Similarly, America’s need to counter North Korea’s weapons with even greater offensive and defensive capabilities ensures a dynamic that will impede the best intentions of South Korean peacemakers.
It is a tribute to Moon that he remained in strategic lockstep with leaders as distinct as Donald Trump and Joe Biden. Of course, Seoul and Washington’s harmony is a product of many factors. The shared sacrifices of the two sides’ defense establishments keep them bound together. The unwillingness of Kim Jong-un to sacrifice his nuclear ambitions also keeps them close. Kim’s demands at the Hanoi summit in early 2019 fell far short of the grand-bargain reciprocity envisaged by the Trump administration. Now the Biden administration’s willingness to pursue pragmatic, calibrated baby steps hold little interest for the Kim regime.
A major impediment to arms control with North Korea appears to be a structural problem. Whatever modest concessions the United States might make in exchange for North Korea constraining its weapons programs can be more than compensated by America’s main competitor, China, without relinquishing any nuclear capability. Of course, Kim Jong-un wants a robust nuclear arsenal to protect his regime and project power. However, South Korea’s fixation on North Korea comes at the expense of South Korea’s deeper impact in the world.
South Korea’s next president should preserve a tight-knit alliance for ensuring peace with North Korea. But he should also seek to deepen cooperation with the United States to mold a rules-based order congruent with their interests and values.
Three Domains for Cooperation
Moon’s successor might focus on three key areas in its relationship with the Biden administration. Closer alignment on these issues would avoid decoupling South Korea from America’s regional policy without forcing Seoul to jeopardize relations with its major trading partner and most prominent neighbor.
First is strengthening the rules-based order, including in the highly contested maritime, air, and cyber domains. Second would be promoting innovation in crucial high-technology sectors and securing vital supply chains. Finally, they could advocate for democracy and human rights at a time when oppression and authoritarianism appear on the rise.
If even the existing level of U.S.-South Korean cooperation gives China “heartburn,” then tighter alignment in these three realms will undoubtedly give Beijing some indigestion. After all, Xi Jinping was recently pronounced a “living historical figure” by the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, and the region is suffering from his growing overconfidence. But China would have little choice but to court South Korea to prevent an even sharper hard power alignment with a U.S.-led coalition. A South Korea working more vigorously with the United States and others to uphold a rules-based order would only further enhance Seoul’s status as a major middle power.
Indeed, a deeper U.S.-South Korean alliance and cooperation on issues beyond Pyongyang would include South Korea aligning more closely with other U.S. allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific, including Australia, India, Taiwan, and others. Among these countries, a better working relationship among the United States, South Korea, and Japan will provide the clearest indication that Seoul is ready to enhance its support for a democratic rules-based order.
The first and broadest new direction for U.S.-South Korean cooperation is over rules of the road governing key dimensions of regional and international order. Deputy Assistant to the President and Indo-Pacific Coordinator Kurt Campbell refers to order as an international operating system. However, whatever one label one applies, Seoul and Washington hold a common vision over international law, trading rules for an open but fair system, and norms of behavior that militate against unilateral changes to the status quo through force and coercion.
Korea has a clear interest in defending the freedom of navigation and overflight permitted under international law, as well as ensuring its ability to defend against unwanted intrusions into the Korea Air Defense Identification Zone (KADIZ) and territorial waters. Even if South Korea is reluctant to join international shows of force in the South China Sea, it should muster the political will to affirm the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and support regional norms such as the peaceful resolution of disputes.
Another dimension in the national interest of both South Korea and the United States and speaks to the need for transparent and equitable rules concerns trade and development. Seoul and Washington should work with others on forging a broader accord on high-standard digital trade and rules of governance. Similar transparency is needed in official development assistance, including telecommunications. Presidents Biden and Moon have already announced their intention to deepen cooperation, for example, over 5G and 6G telecommunications. But much more can and should be done.
The second area where Seoul and Washington should be to ensure that these and other like-minded countries retain a competitive edge in critical technologies at the heart of commercial and military power in the twenty-first century. Presidents Biden and Moon have stepped up efforts to cooperate on supply chain security in critical areas, including semiconductors, telecommunications, and rare earth minerals.
For some, a technology alliance will sound like Seoul and Washington have blurred the distinction between security and economics. But the nature of most emerging technologies is that they are inherently multi-use, a fact hardly lost on China as it pursues military-civil fusion. Although massive decoupling of economies would be detrimental to all concerned, South Korea and the United States need to collaborate more systematically in specific critical sectors of technology and supply chain security, from artificial intelligence to semiconductor chips.
Indeed, semiconductor chips make it difficult for Seoul to ignore that it has a growing stake in Taiwan’s security. South Korea and Taiwan account for 43 percent of all semiconductor chips vital to the contemporary digital age. One can quickly surmise why President Moon and President Biden agreed on the importance of preserving peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. These democracies already lag behind China’s level of effort in semiconductor research and development. Coupled with the fact that open societies remain more susceptible to intellectual property theft, and it is clear that South Korea and the United States can ill afford to be complacent about leading-edge technological innovation and production.
The third area where the U.S.-South Korean relationship needs additional cooperation concerns promoting democratic norms and human rights. As various studies have documented, democracy is under duress and some leaders promote authoritarian models of governance that undermine democratic values.
Surprisingly, South Korean governments have been reticent to speak out for democracy and human rights and against China’s political oppression. Beijing has been repressive at home and over those it considers to be Chinese regardless of where they live. Of particular concern has been Beijing’s draconian crackdown on Uighurs and other minorities in Xinjiang and the dramatic reversal of its commitment to greater political autonomy in Hong Kong. If any country in East Asia seems an obvious champion for democracy that understands the downside of authoritarian governance and has proven its resilience in the face of democratic turmoil—surely it is South Korea. As Moon and Biden have stated, the two governments “share a vision for a region governed by democratic norms, human rights, and the rule of law at home and abroad.”
Biden’s summit for democracy shows he feels an obligation to defend, fight, strengthen, and renew democracy. Hopefully, the results and the process that flow from the gathering will afford closer South Korean-U.S. cooperation and provide an enduring venue for these two democracies to positively impact the globe.
A Deteriorating Environment
Today’s deteriorating security environment demands further adaptation of the U.S.-South Korean alliance and relationship.
The foundation for a more muscular and closely aligned China policy is set, thanks to the behavior of neighboring states. For instance, public opinion in South Korea and the United States has hardened toward China in recent years. Further, both current presidents have already committed to similar policy priorities. Presidents Biden and Moon said in their May joint statement: “The significance of the U.S.-ROK relationship extends far beyond the Korean Peninsula,” and the two countries “oppose all activities that undermine, destabilize, or threaten the rules-based international order.”
The divergence between popular sentiment in South Korea and the reluctance of occupants in the Blue House to resist Chinese pressure requires attention. If South Korea remains quiet in the face of rising Chinese activity in the Yellow or West Sea, it will only further encourage Beijing’s assertiveness.
Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung has suggested dismantling the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system deployed in 2017 in response to North Korea’s mounting missile threat. Yet, such an act might embolden North Korean provocations while convincing China that economic coercion works. Dismantling THAAD would also be a poor precedent for South Korea as it seeks to upgrade its defense capabilities in preparation for a transition in wartime operational control (OPCON). South Korean governments should not allow Beijing to veto what self-defense systems they may deploy, whether those systems are missile defenses or more offensive systems such as advanced missiles or nuclear-powered submarines.
The virtual summit between President Biden and Chairman Xi underscored the reality that U.S.-China relations have entered a new phase of more competitive ties. Cooperation will be sought in areas such as climate change and public health. But a new type of major power relationship is needed, and it’s not the one-dimensionally rosy narrative scripted in Beijing. Instead, the current trajectory for U.S.-China relations amounts to what National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan likens to peaceful coexistence. Professor Joseph Nye calls the relationship a “cooperative rivalry”—a great power relationship in which there is at times intense competition over rules, critical technology, and political ideology, but which does not break into outright conflict.
South Korea need not align further with the United States against China but rather for fair international rules. The real choice facing both countries is whether to allow the prevailing order to be unilaterally altered to suit Beijing’s preferences, or to take additional measures to promote rules congruent with democratic interests and values. This is why improved relations among South Korea, Japan, and the United States, are in the mutual interest of all three countries.
When South Korean culture is making a global statement, it’s time for Seoul to enhance its influence in other ways, too. U.S.-South Korean relations need to move beyond a dominant focus on North Korea. While ensuring sufficient attention to both deterrence and diplomacy—to preempt miscalculation and avert an unbridled arms race—the United States and South Korea should look forward to the spring of 2022 as an opportunity to forge deeper ties aimed at guiding the wider region. By building durable rules, advancing technological innovation and secure supply chains, and protecting human rights, the U.S.-South Korea alliance can move from managing Pyongyang to shaping the emerging security environment for decades to come.
Dr. Patrick M. Cronin is the Asia-Pacific Security Chair, Hudson Institute.
Yoo Jin Bae is a Korea Foundation Global Challenger Intern at Hudson.
Image: Reuters.
9. Pentagon calls for enhancing alliance to deter China, NK in review
Comments from me and others below.
Pentagon calls for enhancing alliance to deter China, NK in review
The Air Force and Navy flight demonstration squadrons, the Thunderbirds and the Blue Angels, fly over the Pentagon on May 2, 2020 (US Air Force Tech. Sgt. Ned T. Johnston)
The US Defense Department on Monday called for enhanced cooperation with allies, including South Korea, to deter challenges posed by China and North Korea and to sustain stability in the Indo-Pacific region in its global posture review, or GPR.
After a nearly 10-month review, the Joe Biden administration released its first GPR since taking office, although most details remain classified.
The review shows the assessment of the US posture across major regions outside the US, such as overseas forces, and gives a glimpse of its near- and long-term defense strategy.
The Pentagon underscored the importance of strengthening the military alliance and defense partnership in the Indo-Pacific, which it described as the “priority region” for the review, mainly to counter the China challenge.
“In the Indo-Pacific, the review directs additional cooperation with allies and partners to advance initiatives that contribute to regional stability and deter potential Chinese military aggression and threats from North Korea,” the US Defense Department said in a statement.
The focus of the initiatives is to enhance military bases and infrastructure in Australia and Guam and seek “greater regional access for military partnership activities” against China.
North Korea, permanent stationing of previously rotational units
Countering China is key, the review showed. But Mara Karlin, performing the duties of deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, on Monday underscored that North Korea is the key consideration of its ongoing multifaceted defense strategies, including its missile defense review, nuclear posture review and national defense strategy.
Karlin emphasized Washington’s concerns about North Korea’s “problematic and irresponsible behavior” and reaffirmed the US commitment to provide extended nuclear deterrence and defend South Korea.
“I think we see that our posture in South Korea is robust, and it is effective. And so, I have no changes that we would want to announce at this time on that front,” Karlin said.
The Pentagon is also proceeding with its previously announced decision to permanently station a “previously rotational attack helicopter squadron and artillery division headquarters” in South Korea.
The decision appears to be in line with the Eighth Army’s announcement in September that the two units would be permanently restationed at Camp Humphreys.
The restationing of the 5-17th Heavy Armed Reconnaissance Squadron is expected to be complete in summer 2022.
The Eighth Army previously also said the Headquarters and Headquarters Battalion, 2nd Infantry Division Artillery, which includes around 100 soldiers and whose purpose is to assist with command and control forces, would be restationed from Joint Base Lewis-McChord outside of Tacoma, Washington.
Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III provides remarks during a virtual meeting with the leadership of 26 different military and veteran service organizations at the Pentagon, May 5, 2021.(Chad McNeeley, DOD)
US experts’ view of GPR
David Maxwell, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, said the permanent stationing “illustrates the understanding that certain (but not all) permanently stationed forces may be more effective for being ‘ready to fight tonight’ to support the defense of Korea than rotational forces.”
South Korea and Japan’s geographical proximity to the South and Southeast Asian region and their “optimal locations” are part of the advantages of permanently stationing US forces in the region.
“The existing infrastructure is likely considered more useful than temporary infrastructure supporting rotational forces and again the distance is less than from CONUS (continental US),” said Maxwell, who is a 30-year veteran of the US Army and retired colonel.
But other US experts pointed out that the permanent stationing will have minor implications for security dynamics on the peninsula, considering North Korea’s enhanced missile and nuclear capabilities.
“This is very minor stuff in the grand scheme of Korean Peninsula security,” Eric Gomez, director of defense policy studies at the Cato Institute, told The Korea Herald.
“The helicopter squadron and artillery HQ will marginally improve US-ROK capabilities to deter a North Korean attack, but such a capability was never in doubt given the alliance’s considerable conventional superiority over North Korea.” ROK refers to the formal name of South Korea.
Ankit Panda, senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said the capabilities enhanced from additional permanent stationing “won’t significantly upend the basic military balance on the Peninsula.” But the action will be a “welcome symbol of US reassurance in Seoul.”
Gomez and Panda also shared the view that the review generally lacks the large adjustments of the US military forces to reshift its military capabilities toward the Indo-Pacific, including the Korean Peninsula, and to balance China’s military power in the region.
“Instead of showing some sign of paring back capabilities, the GPR mostly calls for more of what’s already being done and for maintaining a forward presence in every theater,” Panda said. “The GPR also is limited in scope, considering that it doesn’t address cyber, space and nuclear capabilities in any particular detail.”
The US experts agreed that the Biden administration has failed to show its capability in making difficult choices and determining priority.
“I am disappointed that the United States is refusing to make any hard choices,” Gomez said.
But Maxwell said the two factors, including the necessity of “military presence in multiple theaters to support US national security objectives,” mainly influence the outcome of the review. Maxwell also explained that the US “cannot unilaterally re-station forces in theaters without host nation agreement and support.”
By Ji Da-gyum (dagyumji@heraldcorp.com)
10. U.S. affirms nuclear umbrella over South Korea
Key point for the ROK/US Alliance:
The Pentagon reaffirmed the United States’ commitment to keeping its nuclear umbrella over South Korea, stressing that extended deterrence is “critical” following a months-long review of its global defense posture announced Monday.
When asked if the United States plans to continue to extend its nuclear umbrella over the region, Mara Karlin, deputy under secretary of defense for policy, said in a press briefing in Washington, “Our extended deterrence with our closest allies is critical, and I do not have anything to announce on changes regarding it.”
ROK MND's assessment of the GPFR:
Referring to the renewed U.S. commitment to its nuclear umbrella over South Korea and the permanent stationing of the attack helicopter squadron and artillery division headquarters, Seoul’s Ministry of National Defense said Tuesday it was evidence of the importance of the bilateral alliance.
Boo Seung-chan, the Defense Ministry spokesman, told reporters in a briefing that South Korean and U.S. defense authorities have been in “continuous communication,” when asked if Seoul had been informed about the results of the global posture review.
He added, “I think it is proof that the South Korea-U.S. alliance is important from the perspective of both countries.”
Tuesday
November 30, 2021
U.S. affirms nuclear umbrella over South Korea
Apache helicopters are on standby at U.S. Army Garrison Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, Gyeonggi, Tuesday afternoon. The U.S. Department of Defense announced the results of its Global Posture Review Monday, which includes a decision to permanently station an Apache attack helicopter unit and artillery division headquarters in South Korea. [YONHAP]
The Pentagon reaffirmed the United States’ commitment to keeping its nuclear umbrella over South Korea, stressing that extended deterrence is “critical” following a months-long review of its global defense posture announced Monday.
When asked if the United States plans to continue to extend its nuclear umbrella over the region, Mara Karlin, deputy under secretary of defense for policy, said in a press briefing in Washington, “Our extended deterrence with our closest allies is critical, and I do not have anything to announce on changes regarding it.”
The U.S. Department of Defense revealed Monday it had concluded its 2021 Global Posture Review, which prioritizes the Indo-Pacific region and calls for cooperation with allies and partner countries to deter North Korean threats and potential Chinese aggression.
“In the Indo-Pacific, the review directs additional cooperation with allies and partners to advance initiatives that contribute to regional stability and deter potential Chinese military aggression and threats from North Korea,” according to the Pentagon in a press release.
“These initiatives include seeking greater regional access for military partnership activities; enhancing infrastructure in Australia and the Pacific Islands; and planning rotational aircraft deployments in Australia, as announced in September.”
The mostly classified posture review also included its decision to permanently station an Apache attack helicopter unit and artillery division headquarters in South Korea.
“The global posture review also facilitated [U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd] Austin’s approval of the permanent stationing of a previously-rotational attack helicopter squadron and artillery division headquarters in the Republic of Korea, which the department announced earlier this year,” said Karlin.
The Eighth U.S. Army earlier this year announced the decision to move the 5-17th Heavy Armed Reconnaissance Squadron and the headquarters of the 2nd Infantry Division Artillery to South Korea.
The artillery headquarters unit within the 2nd Infantry Division, which includes approximately 100 Soldiers, will be relocated to Camp Humphreys, said the Eighth U.S. Army in September. It added that the battalion-sized attack helicopter unit is expected to arrive in South Korea next year.
The Pentagon also affirmed that it will keep the U.S. Forces in Korea at the current capacity, dismissing speculation about a possible reduction of troops. There are around 28,500 U.S. troops stationed in South Korea.
Karlin, however, indicated that the review did not look into the resumption of large-scale joint military exercises between Seoul and Washington, which have been downsized since 2018 for the sake of diplomacy with North Korea and more recently because of the Covid-19 pandemic.
“I think we see that our posture in South Korea is robust and it is effective and so I have no changes that we would want to announce on that front,” said Karlin. “It’s a smart posture.”
She added the review “did not look at the issue of large-scale global exercise vis-à-vis South Korea.”
On North Korea’s threats, Karlin said the United States remains “profoundly concerned” about its “problematic and irresponsible behavior.”
Karlin described China as America's “pacing challenge,” noting that the review directs additional cooperation with allies and partners to advance initiatives that contribute to regional stability.
The Pentagon will also focus on improving its bases in Guam and Australia and rearranging some troops in the Asia-Pacific region to better prepare to counter any threat from China.
It will send new rotational fighter and bomber aircraft to Australia and make a range of infrastructure improvements in Guam, including more fuel and ammunition storage, said Karlin. Improvements to airfields in Guam and Australia will expand the ability of the U.S. military to send troops in and out of the region for deployments or in a conflict. The focus on the Indo-Pacific region could come with a reduction of the number of troops and equipment in other areas of the world
Addressing how China might view the U.S. posture in the region, stressing that strategy shapes posture, Karlin said, “In the Indo-pacific, we’re moving the needle a bit, and over the coming years you will see that needle move more and more.”
Referring to the renewed U.S. commitment to its nuclear umbrella over South Korea and the permanent stationing of the attack helicopter squadron and artillery division headquarters, Seoul’s Ministry of National Defense said Tuesday it was evidence of the importance of the bilateral alliance.
Boo Seung-chan, the Defense Ministry spokesman, told reporters in a briefing that South Korean and U.S. defense authorities have been in “continuous communication,” when asked if Seoul had been informed about the results of the global posture review.
He added, “I think it is proof that the South Korea-U.S. alliance is important from the perspective of both countries.”
Former U.S. President Donald Trump indicated he may like to eventually see a withdrawal of U.S. troops in South Korea and often questioned the necessity of an extended nuclear umbrella in the region.
U.S. President Joe Biden ordered the global posture review in February, and U.S. Defense Secretary Austin led the review in coordination with allies and partner countries, according to his department.
Biden accepted the recommendations made by Austin on the global posture review, Karlin said Monday.
The United States had around “75 consultations" with allies and partners in the process of putting together the review, including NATO allies, South Korea, Australia and Japan, she added.
Austin was set to depart for Seoul Tuesday to attend the annual South Korea-U.S. Security Consultative Meeting (SCM), where he is scheduled to meet with South Korean Defense Minister Suh Wook and other top military officials Thursday.
BY SARAH KIM [kim.sarah@joongang.co.kr]
11. 'Little America in Korea': Yongsan US Army homes open up to Korean public
For those who have always wondered about ongasn there is a 3:43 minute video that is interesting and entertaining (and the end provides a brief story from the Chinese through the Japanese to the Americans who used Yongsan as a military garrison).
Interestingly, the quarters my wife and I lived in from 1996-2000 are shown in the video (#5519)
'Little America in Korea': Yongsan US Army homes open up to Korean public
By Lee Min-young, Kim Kang-min
These brick townhouses were once home to American officers and their families, but South Korea has gained control of this tract of land on the southeastern tip of the Army's Yongsan Garrison, nearly two decades after the U.S. and Korea set in motion a plan to relocate the bulk of America's troops in the country to a location south of Seoul and return the property to the government.
The village, which consists of 18 buildings, is now open to the public, and it is crowded with people who came to get a glimpse of the inside of the garrison and to snap selfies against the backdrop of American-style, two- and three-story townhouses.
12. S. Korea approves civic groups' applications for N. Korea aid: official
The ROK government and Korean people in the South care more about the welfare of the Korean people in the north than does Kim Jong-un.
S. Korea approves civic groups' applications for N. Korea aid: official | Yonhap News Agency
SEOUL, Nov. 30 (Yonhap) -- The South Korean government said Monday it has approved three new applications by local civic groups for the shipment of health care-related materials to North Korea.
Speaking to reporters, an official at the Ministry of Unification cited the government's position of continuing inter-Korean humanitarian cooperation, separately from political and military situations, especially in such fields as assistance for the vulnerable there, including children and pregnant women, in urgent need. The official, however, stopped short of elaborating on materials the organizations plan to send to the North.
In late July, the ministry approved two similar applications. The official said "various stages needed" for the planned shipment are proceeding well.
yunhwanchae@yna.co.kr
(END)
13. Kim Jong Un gives new authority to sister Kim Yo Jong to inspect military logistics
This could be a significant indicator. But we should also not over react.
Kim Jong Un gives new authority to sister Kim Yo Jong to inspect military logistics
Kim's move was detailed in a recent order handed down to the military
By Ha Yoon Ah - 2021.11.30 9:30am
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un recently authorized his sister, Central Committee Deputy Director Kim Yo Jong, to inspect “rear area” (logistics) units of the North Korean military anytime she chooses. Having long handled efforts mostly pertaining to South Korea and the United States, Kim is now able to wield influence on the military’s logistics activities.
A Daily NK source in Pyongyang said Friday that key political, administrative, operational, security and logistical commanders in corps and headquarters across the North Korean military were given an “urgent order” by Kim Jong Un on Nov. 11. The order was in the form of a “conversation” that the North Korean leader had with key officials in the ruling party’s Central Committee.
The gist of the conversation was that Kim had authorized his sister to inspect “at any time, without warning” the entirety of the North Korean military’s logistics and supply efforts, including barracks maintenance, food, clothing, and fuel. The order reportedly included a detailed explanation of why Kim had made the authorization.
According to the source, Kim was discussing the state of the North Korean military with his sister and top Central Committee figures such as party organization secretary Jo Yong Won and Military Government Guidance Department director Oh Il Jong on Nov. 8.
The conversation as presented in the order was as follows.
On Nov. 8, Oh reported the findings of his comprehensive study of internal conditions in the North Korean military from the Eighth Party Congress at the start of the year to the present time, right before the start of winter training on Dec. 1.
Oh’s fact-finding mission followed an order by Kim to examine the state of the North Korean military.
In his report, Oh recounted innumerable instances of soldiers being sent home to recover from malnutrition or disease, or companies experiencing multiple desertions. The cause, he said, was widespread illegal accumulation of wealth within the military.
He said rear area brigade, battalion and company commanders and secretaries in charge of food and clothing are leveraging the military’s party organization to pilfer supplies to satisfy their own interests, cooking the books in the process.
After quietly listening to the report, Kim looked at his audience and recounted that Jo Yong Won and top military official Ri Pyong Chol gave contrasting answers when asked after the Eighth Party Congress whether the North Korean military could quickly knock out South Korea if the party ordered it.
Kim Yo Jong meeting with South Korean government officials in June 2019. / Image: Ministry of Unification
Ri said the military could push to South Korea’s Nakdong River and unify the peninsula “right away” on Kim’s order. Jo, on the other hand, said the North Korean military was in no condition to fight due to rear area supply shortages and rife malnutrition among its soldiers.
Kim recalled how his sister, who was sitting next to him at the time, agreed with Jo’s assessment and said if the party approved, she would secretly inspect rear area units of the military and file frank, honest reports on what she saw. Kim said if they had paid more attention to what Jo and his sister had said, the so-called “June Incident” would not have happened.
The “June Incident” likely refers to the failure to execute a special order issued by Kim during the Third Plenary Meeting of the Eighth Central Committee, which was held in June.
Based on information obtained by Daily NK, Kim’s special order called for the “normalization” of public food provisions. However, when authorities tried to relieve immediate problems by releasing military food stores, they learned that rear area military warehouses were empty. This had serious consequences, including the punishment of a string of officials in charge.
During the conversation, Kim said his sister’s election to the State Affairs Commission at the Fifth Meeting of the 14th Supreme People’s Assembly in September authorized her to undertake duties as the rear area commander of North Korea’s supreme command “out of recognition that the military’s physical condition and supply preparations were serious problems.” He said comprehensive reports from his sister’s inspections would be reflected in national policy regarding the military’s rear area efforts.
Given that the conversation has gone out to the military in the form of an emergency order, military personnel are reportedly saying they must be more careful than normal during winter training as Kim Yo Jong or her guidance officers could show up “anytime, anywhere.” The source said tensions in the military are high as personnel could be stripped of their positions if inspectors find that their units are unable to fight.
Please direct any comments or questions about this article to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
Ha Yoon Ah is one of Daily NK’s full-time journalists. Please direct any questions about her articles to dailynkenglish@uni-media.net.
14. ＜Inside N. Korea＞ Malignant Influenza Outbreak in North Korea: "Could it be coronavirus?"
Another indicator.
＜Inside N. Korea＞ Malignant Influenza Outbreak in North Korea: "Could it be coronavirus?" Tension Rose Temporarily—workers' Attendance Restricted Due to Lack of Medical Supplies.
＜Inside N. Korea＞ Malignant Influenza Outbreak in North Korea: "Could it be coronavirus?" Tension Rose Temporarily—workers' Attendance Restricted Due to Lack of Medical Supplies.
◆ Pyongyang's shortage of medical supplies appears to be improving.
A malignant strain of influenza is spreading in North Korea. As the severe medicine shortage continues, the health authorities are embarking on substantial contact restrictions, including limiting the attendance of companies (Kang Ji-won).
Our reporting partner, who lives in the northern region, states that influenza began to spread in mid-November. It is called the "10-day flu" because it is highly contagious, and the number of patients is rapidly increasing, with severe symptoms lasting for ten days.
"There were a lot of patients with cold symptoms, so the authorities were worried that it might be a coronavirus outbreak, and they quarantined those with symptoms, but it turned out to be influenza. Since influenza spread rapidly through the workplace, the quarantine station has instructed people not to go to work."
North Korea has severely restricted trade with China to prevent coronavirus, and Chinese medicines have run out of stock since last year. Doctors have been trying to prescribe domestically produced drugs, but many people do not take them because of their low efficacy. People are trying to seek foreign medicines, even if they are expired, but they are difficult to obtain. As a result, since last year, many older people and infants have been dying of common illnesses such as colds and diarrhoea.
"The officials told me that they have been importing medicines from China, and little by little, medicines made in China have started to appear in and around Pyongyang. However, since they are prescribed by hospitals and sold only through pharmacies, it is difficult for individual traders to purchase them, and they are still not distributed in the countryside and are in a low state."
According to statistics released by the General Administration of Customs People's Republic of China, North Korea imported $3,858,369 worth of "mixed or unmixed products, medicines in measured doses or retail packages" in September and $1,879,756 in October, although details are not available.
In Pyongyang, the capital, the severe shortage of medicines may have improved slightly.
※ ASIAPRESS contacts its reporting partners in North Korea through smuggled Chinese mobile phones.
V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.
