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Informal Institute for National Security Thinkers and Practitioners

Quotes of the Day:

"What most people don't seem to realize is that there is just as much money to be made out of the wreckage of a civilization as from the upbuilding of one." 
- Margaret Mitchell

"If asked for a brief explanation, I would say that the existential vacuum derives from the following conditions. Unlike an animal, man is not told by drives and instincts what he must do. And in contrast to man in former times, he is no longer told by traditions and values what he should do. Now, knowing neither what he must do nor what he should do, he sometimes does not even know what he basically wishes to do. Instead, he wishes to do what other people do - which is conformism - or he does what other people wish him to do - which is totalitarianism." 
- Dr. Viktor E. Frankl

"We grow tyrannical fighting tyranny. The most alarming spectacle today is not the spectacle of the atomic bomb in an unfederated world, it is the spectacle of the Americans beginning to accept the device of loyalty oaths and witchhunts, beginning to call anybody they don't like a Communist." 
- E. B. White



1. S. Korea decides to conduct military exercise with U.S. as planned despite N.K. warning
2.  N.K. leader orders full state support for flood recovery efforts
3. Joint drill going ahead despite Pyongyang's bluster
4. Slaps on wrists for embarrassing P4G summit video
5. Where is our government? (South Korea versus China)
6. Punish the spies (South Koreans spying for the north)
7. Korean men triggered by pinch symbol
8. Lush, dreamlike greenery of DMZ lights up Seoul, Tokyo and London
9. Seoul, Washington eye aid to engage Pyongyang
10. Countering China And North Korea’s Mad Dash For Missiles – Analysis
11. Japan, South Korea win joint gold for Olympic squabbles





1.  S. Korea decides to conduct military exercise with U.S. as planned despite N.K. warning
Good news. President Moon is heeding the advice of the professionals in his government. I hope this is accurate and not walked back in the face of domestic criticism. 

I will say that it is this kind of controversy that makes the OPCON transition hard and that undermines confidence in the ROK to assume command of the ROK/US Combined Forces Command. Readiness has to be the priority for deterrence and defense but also for OPCON transition. If the ROK political leadership is willing to sacrifice readiness over the misguided belief that weakening ROK security by cancelling , postponing, or scaling back readiness training will change Kim's behavior and cause him to return to north-South engagement and decolonization negotiations, there will continue to be questions about the ROK's intentions after OPCON transition occurs. This will obviously damage the alliance. Again I hope this is President Moon's final decision on the training.

President Moon appears to have followed the first three steps in my recommended framework. Now when there is a provocation the alliance can implement the last three.

We should keep in mind that the Kim family regime's political warfare strategy relies heavily on its blackmail diplomacy - the use of increased tension, threats and provocations to gain political and economic concessions. Part of our information and influence strategy should be to counter the criticism that a north Korean provocation is a US and South Korean policy failure. We should make the press, pundits, and public understand that this is fundamental part of north Korean strategy and its conducts provocations for specific objectives. It does not represent a policy failure on our part. I would offer the following framework for consideration:

First, do not overreact. But do not succumb to the criticism of those who recommend ending exercises. 

Second, never ever back down in the face of north Korean increased tension, threats, and provocations.

Third, coordinate an alliance response. There may be times when a good cop-bad cop approach is appropriate.  Try to mitigate the internal domestic political criticisms that will inevitably occur in Seoul and DC. Do not let those criticisms negatively influence policy and actions.

Fourth, exploit weakness in north Korea - cause internal pressure on Kim and the regime from his elite and military. Always work to drive a wedge among the party, elite, and military (which is a challenge since they are all intertwined and inextricably linked).

Fifth, demonstrate strength and resolve. Do not be afraid to show military strength. Never misunderstand the north's propaganda - do not give into demands to reduce exercises or take other measures based on north Korean demands that would in any way reduce the readiness of the combined military forces. The north does not want an end to the exercises because they are a threat, they want to weaken the alliance and force the US troops off of the peninsula which will be the result if they are unable to effectively train.

Sixth, depending on the nature of the provocation, be prepared to initiate a decisive response using the most appropriate tools, e.g., diplomatic, military, economic, information and influence activities, cyber, etc. or a combination.

S. Korea decides to conduct military exercise with U.S. as planned despite N.K. warning | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 오석민 · August 8, 2021
By Oh Seok-min
SEOUL, Aug. 8 (Yonhap) -- South Korea has tentatively decided to conduct the upcoming military exercise with the United States as planned, albeit in a scaled-back manner due to the pandemic, sources said Sunday, despite North Korea's warning the maneuvers will cast a pall over inter-Korean relations.
Whether and how to conduct the summertime exercise has drawn keen attention, particularly after Kim Yo-jong, the sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, warned the drills will dampen the conciliatory mood created after Pyongyang restored long-severed hotlines with the South.
"We are working to stage the exercise as planned, which is a regular one and necessary for a combined readiness posture. We've maintained close consultations with the U.S. over the issue," a government source said.
The computer-simulated Combined Command Post Training (CCPT) is expected to be held from Aug. 16-26, which is likely to come after a four-day crisis management staff training, set to kick off on Aug. 10, another source said.
North Korea has long railed against such exercises, denouncing them as a rehearsal for invasion.
"The upcoming exercise would involve a minimum level of troops, which will be even smaller than the springtime one, and no outdoor drills will take place," the source said, noting that the defense ministry decided Friday to extend the toughest antivirus scheme for the entire military population until Aug. 22 amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
South Korea has seen a drastic surge in confirmed cases across the nation since late last month, with the daily caseload remaining in the 1,700s for the third consecutive day Friday.
The two sides staged the springtime exercise in March in a scaled-back manner given the virus situation and peace efforts involving North Korea. At that time, the defense ministry enforced the second lowest social distancing scheme for the military, with the daily caseload across the nation coming to around 400.
The defense ministry has said that outdoor maneuvers have been carried out throughout the year, rather than done intensively at a specific period of time.
Ministry spokesperson Boo Seung-chan said that it is still discussing details about the matter with the U.S., while closely following related circumstances.
Last week, President Moon Jae-in and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un agreed to restore long-severed liaison communication lines to improve chilled cross-border ties, and some ruling party lawmakers and civic groups here have called for cancelling or postponing the summertime combined exercise.

graceoh@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 오석민 · August 8, 2021


2. N.K. leader orders full state support for flood recovery efforts

The correct description is Kim orders full party support. The "state" has no power. Only the party does.

Excerpt:
The South Hamgyong Provincial Military Commission of the Workers' Party met on Thursday and discussed "such technical matters as the formation of construction forces to be rapidly dispatched to the relevant areas," according to the Korean Central News Agency.


N.K. leader orders full state support for flood recovery efforts | Yonhap News Agency
en.yna.co.kr · by 고병준 · August 8, 2021
By Koh Byung-joon
SEOUL, Aug. 8 (Yonhap) -- North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has ordered full state support for recovery efforts in a flood-hit eastern province as the country convened an emergency meeting of the provincial military commission to come up with recovery plans, state media reported Sunday.
About 1,170 homes were destroyed or flooded, and some 5,000 residents were evacuated urgently and large tracts of farmlands were flooded as up to 307 millimeters of rain fell in the eastern South Hamgyong Province between Aug. 1-2, according to earlier state media reports.
The South Hamgyong Provincial Military Commission of the Workers' Party met on Thursday and discussed "such technical matters as the formation of construction forces to be rapidly dispatched to the relevant areas," according to the Korean Central News Agency.
Leader Kim did not attend the meeting, but "issued an order to render powerful national material and financial support to South Hamgyong Province in its recovery campaign," including releasing state reserves to urgently supply basic materials necessary for the recovery, the KCNA said.
"It was mentioned at the meeting that upon receiving the news about damage by downpour in the province, the respected General Secretary Kim Jong-un specified the direction and ways for recovery from damage several times and took measures for providing materials urgently needed for it," the KCNA said.
"It was also emphasized that he called for awakening and arousing the officials of the city and county party committees and Party organizations into waging the recovery campaign skillfully and unyieldingly," it added.
The meeting decided to organize a "powerful damage recovery commanding team" for the province, while adopting "a decision to finish the recovery work by the Oct. 10 founding anniversary of the party, the KCNA said.
Details on damage caused by heavy downpours were not disclosed.
North Korea has recently ramped up calls for flood prevention efforts to prevent the repeat of devastation caused by back-to-back typhoons last summer in major farming areas, which aggravated the country's already serious food shortages.
Last week, state media reported that the country's southwest region known for key rice-growing fields was put on high alert against flooding.

kokobj@yna.co.kr
(END)
en.yna.co.kr · by 고병준 · August 8, 2021


3. Joint drill going ahead despite Pyongyang's bluster

Yes, we need to be ready for a provocation but there is nothing to fear from a north Korean provocation and if there is one it is not because of a ROK or US policy failure. It will be due to the deliberate decision making of Kim Jong-un as he conducts his political warfare strategy and blackmail diplomacy.

It is good to read this statement from the Blue House:

"If you look at the history of the South Korea-U.S. combined exercises, any government in the past has prioritized the alliance, and this principle remains the same today," a senior Blue House high-ranking official told the JoongAng Ilbo Friday. "North Korea doesn't rank very high when taking into consideration the variables considered for holding such joint drills." 
 
Sunday
August 8, 2021

Joint drill going ahead despite Pyongyang's bluster

South Korean Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong, top, takes part in a virtual Asean Regional Forum (ARF) Friday. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken also part in the ARF, while North Korea was represented by Ambassador to Indonesia An Kwang-il. [FOREIGN MINISTRY]
 
Seoul will hold its summertime joint military exercise with Washington starting Aug. 16 as planned, but with fewer troops taking part because of the Covid-19 situation, said military sources here Sunday.  
 
Following a statement last week by Kim Yo-jong, the North Korean leader's younger sister, calling for a halt to the Seoul-Washington drill, China's foreign minister also openly opposed the exercise at a regional security forum Friday.
 
Some government officials and lawmakers in Seoul have been calling for a postponement of the drill for the sake of improving inter-Korean ties and resuming denuclearization talks.
 
South Korea has tentatively decided to conduct its annual summertime drill with fewer participants than in springtime drills with the United States held from March 8 to 18, taking into consideration the coronavirus situation, according to military and government sources. This is said to be in accordance with quarantine precautions, amid the spread of the Delta variant, and also in coordination with Washington. 
 
However, scheduled training scenarios are not expected to be adjusted.
 
The Combined Command Post Training (CCPT) will be conducted as previous scheduled from Aug. 16 to 26, said the military sources. A four-day crisis management staff training will start Tuesday as a prelude to the CCPT. 
 
The verification of full operational capability (FOC) however is not expected to take place this time around, a step needed for the transfer of wartime operational control (Opcon) from the United States to South Korea, the sources said. 
 
In 2018, Korea and the United States agreed to kick off a three-step assessment of the Korean military needed to gauge Seoul's readiness to regain wartime Opcon. The first stage, concerning initial operational capability (IOC), was completed in 2019, while the second phase, the FOC, which evaluates command ability necessary for the Opcon transfer, has faced delays amid the pandemic. The full mission capability (FMC) would be the final step.   
 
Seoul and Washington are expected to notify Pyongyang of the joint drill schedule on the day it is formally announced, according to custom, through the hotline between the United Nations Command and North Korea. 
 
Pyongyang has protested such joint drills in the past, viewing them as rehearsals for an invasion of the North. 
 
Seoul's military officials have stressed the upcoming exercise will be a "defensive command post training using computer simulation."
 
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said at a virtual session of the Asean Regional Forum (ARF) Friday that the United States "should not take any actions that will intensify tensions" if it really wants to resume dialogue with North Korea, referring directly to the joint drill with the South.
 
The Chinese Foreign Ministry quoted Wang as saying that North Korea has refrained from nuclear and long-range missile tests for the past several years, so its "legitimate concerns should be addressed."
 
North Korea has maintained a self-imposed moratorium on nuclear tests and long-range missile launches since late 2017, which cranked up diplomacy with the United States beginning in 2018. 
 
North-U.S. negotiations however have been at an impasse since 2019 as the two sides clashed over the scope of denuclearization needed for any lifting of sanctions on the North. 
 
Wang added, "An effective way to resolve the current deadlock is to lift sanctions imposed on North Korea by the United Nations Security Council."
 
The Chinese envoy mentioned a "snapback" mechanism in UN resolutions that allows for conditional sanctions relief, which could be immediately reinstated should the North violates the provisions. 
 
He further told the forum that China will "continue to support seeking parallel progress in denuclearization and the establishment of a peace mechanism" on the Korean Peninsula by "taking phased and synchronized actions" to reach a political settlement. 
 
His remarks came despite a joint military exercise to be held between China and Russia from Monday to Friday. Beijing's Defense Ministry said the upcoming Zapad-Interaction tactical drill is meant to "consolidate the comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination" between China and Russia. 
 
South Korean Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken also took part in the ARF, a rare multilateral forum involving North Korea, which was marked by moments of tension between Washington and Beijing over issues such as the South China Sea.
 
Chung and Blinken in a separate phone call Friday committed to coordinated efforts "to make substantial progress in achieving complete denuclearization," said Seoul's Foreign Ministry, and had an in-depth discussion of ways to engage and cooperate with the North "in such areas as humanitarian cooperation." 
 
North Korea has been suffering from food shortages due to drought and floods, a Covid-19 blockade and international sanctions. 
 
Pyongyang's Foreign Ministry on Saturday shared Wang's statement opposing the Seoul-Washington joint drill on its English-language website, saying that the Chinese foreign minister "stressed that if the U.S. truly wants a restart of dialogue with the DPRK, it should refrain from taking any action that might fuel the aggravated tension." DPRK is the acronym for the North's official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. 
 
On July 27, Seoul and Pyongyang restored inter-Korean communication lines, which had been severed by Pyongyang since June 9, 2020. The revival of the hotlines run by Seoul's military and Unification Ministry, following letter exchanges between the two countries' leaders, raised hopes for the resumption of inter-Korean and North-U.S. dialogue. 
 
However, Kim Yo-jong, who often serves as a mouthpiece for her older brother, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, called for a halt to the summertime Seoul-Washington military exercise in a statement on Aug. 1, warning it could undermine inter-Korean relations. She called on Seoul to make a "bold decision" between "hope or despair."
 
A group of 74 liberal lawmakers from the ruling Democratic Party (DP) and other splinter parties issued a statement Thursday calling for the postponement of the joint exercise, calling it "an obstacle in bringing North Korea to the negotiation table, regardless of its scale."
 
"If you look at the history of the South Korea-U.S. combined exercises, any government in the past has prioritized the alliance, and this principle remains the same today," a senior Blue House high-ranking official told the JoongAng Ilbo Friday. "North Korea doesn't rank very high when taking into consideration the variables considered for holding such joint drills." 
 

BY SARAH KIM [kim.sarah@joongang.co.kr]


4. Slaps on wrists for embarrassing P4G summit video

So is this a problem with subcnotractorz. But did this subcontractor to another subcontractor to the romri contractor have malign intent?

I recall a powerpoint presentation back in the 1990's in which the briefer used a silhouette of England in place of a silhouette of the Korean peninsula. There was a resemblance between the two (if you just squint your eyes and tilt your head!)

Excerpts:

A video that showed a panoramic view of the Korean Peninsula, which zoomed out to show the entire globe, started from Rungnado in Pyongyang, the capital of North Korea, instead of Seoul, when introducing the host city of the forum.
 
In an internal investigation, the Foreign Ministry found out that the company that it signed a contract with to produce the video had asked another company to produce that particular segment of the video, which had then asked another company to do it. The organizers of the summit failed to catch the slip-up during rehearsal. 
 
The video clip was immediately edited after the mistake was spotted by the media, and Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong expressed regret over the incident. 
 
The Foreign Ministry said those responsible for the video would be face repercussions, and said that it was considering reporting to the police the companies that produced the controversial opening ceremony video. 
 
The office of PPP Rep. Cho Tae-yong, a member of the parliamentary foreign affairs committee and a former vice foreign minister, told the JoongAng Ilbo Sunday that a written warning was issued to the head of the summit’s preparatory office. 
 
The ministry said this high-level official retired as of July 1, thus disciplinary action would have no effect.  
Sunday
August 8, 2021
Slaps on wrists for embarrassing P4G summit video

A segment of the opening ceremony video of the 2021 P4G Seoul Summit on May 30 shows a part of Pyongyang, not Seoul, when introducing the host city of the summit. [SCREEN CAPTURE]
 
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued warnings to officials in charge of preparing the P4G Seoul Summit after an embarrassing video clip at its opening ceremony on May 30 showed a map of Pyongyang instead of Seoul.  
 
The Foreign Ministry previously warned it may be taking serious disciplinary action following a review by a disciplinary committee, but three officials only received slaps on the wrist, according to the office of an opposition People Power Party (PPP) lawmaker Sunday. 
 
On May 30 and 31, the Korean government virtually hosted the P4G, or Partnering for Green Growth and the Global Goals 2030, summit, a global initiative that seeks solutions for climate action, at the Dongdaemun Design Plaza (DDP) in central Seoul. The summit had been initially scheduled for 2020 and delayed one year. 
 
A video that showed a panoramic view of the Korean Peninsula, which zoomed out to show the entire globe, started from Rungnado in Pyongyang, the capital of North Korea, instead of Seoul, when introducing the host city of the forum.
 
In an internal investigation, the Foreign Ministry found out that the company that it signed a contract with to produce the video had asked another company to produce that particular segment of the video, which had then asked another company to do it. The organizers of the summit failed to catch the slip-up during rehearsal. 
 
The video clip was immediately edited after the mistake was spotted by the media, and Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong expressed regret over the incident. 
 
The Foreign Ministry said those responsible for the video would be face repercussions, and said that it was considering reporting to the police the companies that produced the controversial opening ceremony video. 
 
The office of PPP Rep. Cho Tae-yong, a member of the parliamentary foreign affairs committee and a former vice foreign minister, told the JoongAng Ilbo Sunday that a written warning was issued to the head of the summit’s preparatory office. 
 
The ministry said this high-level official retired as of July 1, thus disciplinary action would have no effect. 
 
The deputy head of the P4G preparatory office, dispatched from the Environment Ministry, and another lower-level official, were also issued warnings. The Foreign Ministry said that it took into account that the summit was being held virtually for the first time amid the coronavirus pandemic. 
 
Disciplinary action against public officials can be divided into severe action, which includes dismissal, demotion or suspension from duty, or light action, which includes being reprimanded or a reduction in pay. 
 
A warning remains on the official’s personnel record but does not constitute official disciplinary action. Because the head of the preparatory office retired, the warning does not hold weight. 
 
After an internal investigation into the incident, the Foreign Ministry acknowledged on June 18 that the summit’s preparatory office had neglected its management responsibility by delegating its work to a private company. 
 
"The foreign minister directly ordered a thorough investigation, but it is difficult to understand why the results are so insufficient,” said Rep. Cho. “It is difficult to say that sufficient measures were taken to claim responsibility and prevent a reoccurrence.”   

BY PARK HYUN-JU, SARAH KIM [kim.sarah@joongang.co.kr]


5. Where is our government? (South Korea versus China)

Chinese meddling in South Korean affairs supposedly is not being challenged.

But this is a terrible argument by the next head of the Korean National Diplomatic Academy. Yes, north Korea has a failed economy but it continues to modernize its military and its strategy is hostile to the very existence of South Korea. You should not discount an existential threat. Instead you must be prepared to defend your nation.

Nevertheless, the Moon Jae-in administration keeps mum. Instead, in an interview with KBS last week, Hong Hyun-ik, a senior researcher at the Sejong Institute — who has just been nominated to head the Korea National Diplomatic Academy — stressed that there’s no need for a South-U.S. joint drill because the North Korean economy has shrunken to one 53rd of the South’s and North Korea’s annual military expenditure is less than one tenth of South Korea’s.

Sunday
August 8, 2021
Where is our government?
 China is meddling in our domestic affairs like never before. In a meeting Friday of foreign ministers of the Asean Regional Forum, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said, “Pushing for a South Korea-U.S. joint military exercise is not constructive.” In a nutshell, the annual joint drill starting this week is entirely aimed at defending against a North Korean invasion of South Korea. Wang’s remarks translate into a brazen intervention by a third party in the military drill agreed to between South Korea and the United States.

Wang went a step further. “If the U.S. really wants to resume its dialogue with North Korea, it must not take any actions that could heighten tension in the region,” he said. Wang’s comment sounds like a warning that the South-U.S. joint drill deepens the Korean Peninsula crisis and makes North Korea’s denuclearization more difficult. Pyongyang immediately relayed Wang’s remarks to Seoul to boast of its close relations with Beijing.

China cannot step into South Korea’s security matters, nor has the right to do so. China intervened in the 1950-53 Korean War and killed a countless number of our soldiers and civilians. Yet it has never apologized. Instead, China celebrated its participation in the war as a victory on the centennial of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on July 1.

On Saturday, Beijing also praised the Sino-North Korean Friendship Treaty as a “strategic decision.” The treaty mandates that Chinese forces will automatically move into North Korea at times of crisis. That’s not all. Last December, China staged a show of force by flying 20 military aircraft, including a bomber, over the East Sea with Russian airplanes. Moreover, China not only endangers our maritime transport routes by trying to control the South China Sea, but also is directly and indirectly involved in the developing of nuclear weapons and missiles in North Korea.

China’s interference in our domestic affairs is nothing new. Xing Haiming, Chinese ambassador to Seoul, was criticized for making remarks opposing the deployment of the Thaad antimissile system in South Korea. The Thaad shield is aimed at defending against missile attacks from North Korea. And yet, China demanded withdrawal of the system while retaliating against South Korean companies doing business in China.

Nevertheless, the Moon Jae-in administration keeps mum. Instead, in an interview with KBS last week, Hong Hyun-ik, a senior researcher at the Sejong Institute — who has just been nominated to head the Korea National Diplomatic Academy — stressed that there’s no need for a South-U.S. joint drill because the North Korean economy has shrunken to one 53rd of the South’s and North Korea’s annual military expenditure is less than one tenth of South Korea’s.

Last week, 74 lawmakers from the ruling Democratic Party and other splinter parties demanded the cancellation of the joint drill. Without training, the military cannot function. Are the legislators really aware of the fact that North Korea could possess 100 to 200 nuclear weapons? What is the position of the commander in chief on the dangerous moves?

6. Punish the spies (South Koreans spying for the north)

north Korea depends on espionage using HUMINT (recruiting South Koreans as well as its own spies) because it does not have advanced technical means for spying. It exploits South Koreans with north Korean sympathies for both espionage and for subverting the South Korean political system. And even though these "spies" were apprehended their capture is causing domestic political problems for the Moon administration which is a subversion objective of the regime.

Sunday
August 8, 2021
Punish the spies
 Four labor rights activists based in Cheongju, North Chungcheong, have been arrested or charged with espionage, reminding us that our society remains vulnerable to spying that can threaten the lives of the people. Intelligence authorities claim the activists carried out petitions and protests to oppose the government’s procurement of U.S. F-35A stealth fighters while pocketing $20,000 from North Korean spies they met in China to fund underground pro-Pyongyang activities.

The accused argue the National Intelligence Service was framing them through illegal surveillance. But the NIS and intelligence unit of the National Police Agency under the Moon Jae-in administration won’t be making up an espionage scheme, given the burden on its endeavors to improve ties with Pyongyang. NIS chief Park Jie-won ordered a strict investigation based on law and principle. Authorities have secured photos of them coming into contact with North Korean spies, documents specifying orders from Pyongyang and a copy of a pledge of loyalty to the North Korean leadership.

More shockingly, the foursome acted as special advisers on the campaign of Presidential Moon Jae-in April of 2017, ahead of the presidential election in May. They had held a press conference in support of Moon. One of them even applied as a preliminary bidder for the 2014 local elections. Another who ran a local newspaper company published their activities in articles and ran for a legislative seat as an independent candidate in the 2016 parliamentary elections.

They had attempted to penetrate into mainstream politics. Given circumstantial evidence, figures with espionage smotive posed as activists and tried to move to the central political stage from local press, councils and labor groups. They also approach a multi-term ruling party lawmaker and a senior official of the Korean Council for Reconciliation and Cooperation for a campaign to plant trees in North Korea.

If spies or people working for Pyongyang move into politics, policies on North Korea can be affected. National security could be in jeopardy if they reach the presidential or government offices. The probe requires bipartisan support as well as Blue House cooperation. The Blue House must first explain how they joined Moon’s camp four years ago.

7. Korean men triggered by pinch symbol

Yes, this is about a social problem in South Korea. But there are problems on many levels for South Korea.

The national security related question for me is if this excerpt is accurate, how will South Korea maintain a strong military committed to defending its country?

Excerpt:

Some Korean young men's overreaction to the pinch symbol leads me to the most incomprehensible part of the anti-An San saga in Korea during the Summer Games: the utter fragility of the young, Korean male ego. Actually, it's more than fragility. It borders on a collective, persecution complex, which is defined as, the "irrational and obsessive feeling or fear that one is the object of collective hostility or ill-treatment on the part of others," according to Wikipedia.
Korean men triggered by pinch symbol
The Korea Times · August 8, 2021
By Jason Lim
An San, a member of the Korean women's archery team, won three gold medals in the Tokyo Summer Games. You would think that would earn her unconditional acclaim from all Koreans, especially since she achieved them in Japan.

Apparently, however, her short haircut, attendance at a women-only university, and specific expressions used in her past social media posts drew suspicions of her as a potential feminist, attracting online attacks from presumably young Korean men.

These suspicions quickly devolved from there into a surreal fight between those supporting An and petitioning the Korean Archery Association not to force An to apologize for being a feminist and those who were accusing An of being a feminist and demanding that she apologize or renounce her gold medals.

If you are wondering when being a feminist became something that you had to apologize for, then welcome to the club. However, for some men in South Korea, the term carries radical anti-men connotations that rub particularly young Korean men the wrong way. And it seems that lots of seemingly innocuous things rub young Korean men the wrong way, bordering on the ridiculous.

What's especially mysterious is the overreaction that some young Korean men seem to have against the pinch motion formed by the index finger and the thumb. Yes, this motion is the same one made all-too-familiar by Apple for magnifying images on a screen or by cheesy tourists pinching a famous landmark (i.e., the Eiffel Tower) in between their fingers in their photos. The motion supposedly mocks the statistically small size of Korean men's penises.

Some Korean young men's overreaction to the pinch symbol leads me to the most incomprehensible part of the anti-An San saga in Korea during the Summer Games: the utter fragility of the young, Korean male ego. Actually, it's more than fragility. It borders on a collective, persecution complex, which is defined as, the "irrational and obsessive feeling or fear that one is the object of collective hostility or ill-treatment on the part of others," according to Wikipedia.

I actually gained an insight into the menu of unfairness that this population seems to feel against today's Korean society by coming across a social media post by a younger Korean man, presumably. It reads as the following (my translation):

Why am I being blamed when I didn't do anything wrong?
The posts against An San were done by Southeast Asians, but everybody is now blaming Korean men.
Men in their 40s and 50s sexually harassed women, but now I am the one who's forced to be celibate.
My generation can't get married, let alone have kids, yet we are accused of forcing women to raise children by themselves.
I am still a college student, but I have to go up against the women's quota system when looking for a job because there's supposedly more working men in society than women.
I studied via online lectures and got into a Seoul-based college fair and square, but now the government is mandating non-Seoul firms to hire grads from local colleges only.
I have to think twice about everything I say, lest I am accused of sexual harassment or being a radical male chauvinist, but feminists can say whatever they want and it's accepted as promoting gender equality.
At the same time, I am the one who has to make the first sacrifice, conscription for two years, and fulfill all duties that only fall on men, but still, I have my rights taken away from me.

Basically, it's a long list of "woe is me." It uses the basic argument of, why is the world against me when I haven't done anything wrong? It's an argument that a toddler might employ, not something that you would expect from a college student. The self-blindness against the obvious sense of entitlement is glaring, especially in a society where the gender wage gap is the highest among the OECD countries ― at 35% ― and the pandemic has had a disproportionate impact on women's family lives, employment and personal health by all measures.

The rhetoric that's coming from some young Korean men worriedly reminds me of the INCEL groups in America. INCEL stands for "involuntarily celibate," and represents a group of young men who have rallied around a violent, misogynistic ideology centered on the injustice of women not having sex with them. It's already proven to be deadly, with perpetrators claiming victims from California to Canada.
INCEL is about more than sex, however. As Jia Tolentino writes in the New Yorker, "Incels aren't really looking for sex; they're looking for absolute male supremacy.
Sex, defined to them as dominion over female bodies, is just their preferred sort of proof." Similarly, young Korean men aren't protesting against feminism per se. The word (and women) has just become a convenient strawman against the ongoing shift in structural and cultural power dynamics that is empowering women to gain more agency over their lives and in their choice of sexual partners. This reality isn't a problem for Korean women. It's a problem that happens when young Korean men inherit a traditional sense of male entitlement but the society they live in no longer automatically enables them to attain those entitlements.

Jason Lim (jasonlim@msn.com) is a Washington, D.C.-based expert on innovation, leadership and organizational culture.

The Korea Times · August 8, 2021


8. Lush, dreamlike greenery of DMZ lights up Seoul, Tokyo and London

The DMZ is one of the world's best nature preserves. Hopefully, someday visitors will be able to experience this unique place.
Lush, dreamlike greenery of DMZ lights up Seoul, Tokyo and London
The Korea Times · August 8, 2021
Scenes from Jun So-jung's "Green Screen" (2021) / Courtesy of the artist and CIRCA By Park Han-sol

Korea's Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) ― a 250-km-long and 4-km-wide strip dividing the two nations that has remained virtually untouched from human activity for nearly seven decades since the signing of the 1953 Korean Armistice Agreement ― is a paradoxical landscape.

While it serves as visual proof that the two Koreas are technically still at war, and that the division of the peninsula is rife with political tension, the very fact that the DMZ is off-limits to the general public is what has transformed it into a utopian wildlife sanctuary.

Artist Jun So-jung's short film "Green Screen," a cinematic montage of the green strip of land between North and South Korea, has been occupying gigantic billboard screens daily in Seoul, Tokyo and London this month, as part of a global art project showcased by CIRCA.

Launched in London's Piccadilly Circus in October 2020, CIRCA is a digital art platform that aims to introduce new works of both rising and established artists contemplating the present-day world on digital billboards, with the featured names changing every month.

The project started last May with David Hockney's "Remember you cannot look at the sun or death for very long." Each month, the project presents a new artwork on electronic screens in three major cities around the world, usually at the same time every day. Jun is the first the Korean artist to be invited to participate in this global project.

The still and moving images of the DMZ that appear in "Green Screen" were filmed earlier this year by the artist herself at the Civilian Control Zone in the South bordering the region. By looking at the scenery as a mixture of war-ravaged conflict and the beauty of natural life, Jun encourages viewers to transcend the geopolitical division and to consider the potential of coexistence and forms of solidarity.

Artist Jun So-jung / Courtesy of the artist "The landscape of the border is a twilight zone full of potential that shows the overwhelming vitality and power of nature, while being a screen that overlaps and projects countless moments of hostility and hospitality attempted between the two Koreas," Jun noted.

The score that plays throughout the duration of the video is titled "July 7th (Chilseok)" (2020), composed for gayageum (Korean zither) and harp. It is inspired by the folktale of the Cowherd ('Gyeonu') and Weaver Girl ('Jiknyeo'), a celestial couple who remain separated all year round as a punishment for their love, except on the seventh day of the seventh lunar month. The tale thus serves a metaphor for inter-Korean relations.

The short film is played at 8:21 p.m. every day at Seoul's COEX K-Pop Square, London's Piccadilly Lights as well as on the CIRCA website, and at 9 a.m. at Tokyo's Yunika Vision, until the end of August. Visitors attending these CIRCA exhibitions are encouraged to bring their headphones.
Scenes from Jun So-jung's "Early Arrival of Future (2015) / Courtesy of the artist and CIRCA Whereas "Green Screen" concentrates on the DMZ's existing landscape of both conflict and natural paradise, Jun's other work, "Early Arrival of Future," explores a time yet to come.

The 10-minute video stages a duet performance between North Korean-born pianist Kim Cheol-woong and South Korean pianist Uhm Eun-kyung. Unlike "Green Screen," this piece will be screened in its entirety only once, at 8:15 p.m. on Aug. 16 in Seoul.

According to Jun, the collaboration between the musicians of the two Koreas "envisages a time that has not yet arrived," representing a brief moment of reunification that seems difficult to reach in current times. "It makes this indefinite future built on conversations and mediations possible, albeit temporarily in its creative space."

"In an era of heightened divisions, between individuals and groups within global society, we are honored to present Jun's work as a shining example of art's potential to evade and overcome boundaries of conflict and geographical separation," Josef O'Connor, founder and artistic director of CIRCA, said in a statement.

The recipient of the 18th Hermes Foundation Missulsang prize, Jun is an artist who brings forth the intricate relationship between historical memories and present-day experiences via interviews, historical materials and narratives from classical texts, which are newly assembled as works of interdisciplinary media art.
The Korea Times · August 8, 2021

9. Seoul, Washington eye aid to engage Pyongyang
I am for providing aid to the Korean people suffering in the north (despite many of my friends who are escapees from north Korea recommending against providing humanitarian aid to the north because the regime exploits it). 

But it must be done with transparency and it must not be diverted and must get to the Korean people who need it most.

I doubt very much Kim Jong-un will accept any aid that requires such transparency and monitoring.

Most importantly we must debunk the "theory" that making offers of providing humanitarian aid or even actually providing such aid will cause Kim to restart north-South engagement and denuclearization negotiations. First, it is wrong to use humanitarian assistance for political purposes. Second, and most importantly, we are more concerned with the welfare of the Koreans in the north than Kim Jong-un and he is not at all moved by our offers to provide humanitarian aid. We need to provide aid (or try to) because it is the right thing to do with no expectation that it is going to positively influence Kim Jong-un. To think otherwise is pure fantasy.





Seoul, Washington eye aid to engage Pyongyang
koreaherald.com · by Ahn Sung-mi · August 8, 2021
Published : Aug 8, 2021 - 14:36 Updated : Aug 8, 2021 - 17:44
This captured image from the Korean Central Television on Thursday shows a bridge that was flooded and partly collapsed following heavy rains in North Korea's South Hamgyong Province. (Yonhap)

South Korea and the US are discussing the possibility of offering humanitarian assistance to North Korea as a way to engage the recalcitrant regime, but it remains to be seen whether Pyongyang is ready to return to dialogue.

South Korean Foreign Minister Chung Eui-yong and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken held phone talks Friday, during which the two officials consulted on avenues of cooperation with the North, including humanitarian cooperation, and agreed to continue their efforts to engage the North, according to the Foreign Ministry here.

The State Department also said the two had discussed recent developments in Pyongyang and “agreed to explore humanitarian initiatives on the Korean Peninsula.” Blinken also confirmed US support for inter-Korean dialogue and engagement, it added.

When inter-Korean communication channels reopened July 27, they raised hopes of renewed nuclear diplomacy with North Korea, though fresh tensions could arise in light of the upcoming Seoul-Washington military drills later this month. Pyongyang has warned that the joint exercises will cast a pall over inter-Korean ties, but reports Sunday cited government sources as saying they would go ahead.

Last week, director-level diplomats from Washington and Seoul met to discuss the resumption of talks with North Korea, and humanitarian assistance was part of the agenda as well.

At that meeting, the two countries discussed the current situation on the Korean Peninsula and prospects for humanitarian cooperation, according to the State Department. Present were US Deputy Special Representative Jung Pak; Rim Kap-soo, director general of the Foreign Ministry’s peace regime bureau; and officials from the Unification Ministry and Cheong Wa Dae.

The Unification Ministry also confirmed that the two sides had discussed providing humanitarian assistance to improve inter-Korean relations and revive US-North Korea talks, and said they had looked at areas where the two Koreas could cooperate independently.

The ministry is also reportedly reviewing ways to provide around 10 billion won ($8.7 million) to private aid organizations for cooperative humanitarian projects in the North.

In response, a ministry official said the government was reviewing various ways to support local civic organizations in carrying out humanitarian aid efforts, based on the principle that humanitarian cooperation between the two Koreas needs to continue regardless of the political and military situation.

Seoul is holding out hope that humanitarian support may bring Pyongyang back to the negotiating table, considering the chronic food shortages in the North due to the protracted COVID-19 crisis and typhoon damage from last year.

This year, the food situation is expected to worsen amid severe weather conditions. The North’s state media reported Thursday that thousands of homes had been destroyed last week and some 5,000 people evacuated due to heavy rain and flooding.

But Pyongyang has repeatedly refused offers of aid, and earlier last month, the North accused the US of using humanitarian aid as “sinister political scheme” to put pressure on other countries

Observers say the current situation might be dire enough to prompt Pyongyang to accept Seoul’s humanitarian assistance this time, but that connecting the aid to nuclear talks could be tough. The North insists it won’t restart talks unless the US withdraws its hostile policy, an apparent reference to sanctions.

Another major challenge appears to be the US-South Korea military exercises, which Pyongyang has frequently denounced, calling them a rehearsal for an invasion.

With the allies likely to go ahead with the military drills, albeit in a scaled-back manner, they could provoke Pyongyang and dent prospects for further engagement.

By Ahn Sung-mi (sahn@heraldcorp.com)



10. Countering China And North Korea’s Mad Dash For Missiles – Analysis

I do not think we can afford to give up missile defenses in return for a reduction in CHinese and north Korean missiles. That is a very dangerous course of action, especially given north Korean treating on agreements.

Excerpts:
These are still speculative concepts and may not be easily achieved by Chinese rocket forces. But evidence indicates that China is training to execute these styles of campaigns and that Chinese rocket forces have attained limited ability to execute pre-planned joint fire against targets in the Pacific theatre.
China has integrated its conventional ballistic missiles within its regional military strategy. In the near term, arms control measures such as a version of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty seem improbable. US regional missile defence deployments and other defensive measures will have to deter and defend against these threats for now.
As China builds a modern and competent air force, it might rely less on its missile capabilities. Additionally, China is looking to reduce the footprint of US missile defence assets in the region, fearing a latent capability against its strategic missiles.
Ultimately, given the role that missiles play in North Korean and Chinese military strategy, a possible solution worth exploring is if reductions in missiles can be traded for a reasonable reduction in US and allied regional missile defences.
Countering China And North Korea’s Mad Dash For Missiles – Analysis
eurasiareview.com · by East Asia Forum · August 7, 2021
By Jaganath Sankaran*
China and North Korea have accumulated a significant arsenal of ballistic missiles. China is estimated to possess as many as 1500 short-range ballistic missiles (SRBMs) and 450 medium-range ballistic missiles. These missiles could target the United States and allied military bases in a Taiwan Strait confrontation. North Korea has close to 1000 SRBMs and approximately 300 medium-range ballistic missiles that can reach targets in South Korea and Japan.
In 2017, former director of US National Intelligence Daniel Coats testified to the US Congress that North Korea has developed precision conventional ballistic missile capabilities. The US Department of Defense 2019 Missile Defense Review also declares China’s regional ballistic missiles as a prominent weapons system in its ‘efforts to counter US military capabilities in the Indo-Pacific’ and ‘deny the United States the capability and freedom of action to protect US allies and partners in Asia’. Fortunately for Washington, it has paths towards mitigating these threats.
The United States and its allies could respond in kind and deploy missiles arrayed against Chinese and North Korean assets to establish deterrence. They could expand missile defences in the Asia Pacific region to mitigate the threat. Finally, the United States could attempt arms control mechanisms to contain, and potentially reverse, the proliferation of missiles. All of these options offer possibilities and challenges.
Understanding the motivations behind Chinese and North Korean missile pursuits will enable the evaluation of the effectiveness of these options. Beijing and Pyongyang have different ideas about the role missiles play in deterrence and warfare. Engaging in arms control, deploying countervailing offensive arms, and preparing a robust missile defence against China and North Korea present unique challenges.
North Korea does not see its missiles as a means towards reunification or as assets in a prolonged war. Rather, they are instruments of coercion and leverage to, for example, dissuade Japanese leaders from offering material or military support to South Korea or the United States in a military contingency. North Koreans hope to successfully do what the Iraqis failed to achieve in the 1991 Gulf War. The Iraqis had fired several missiles into Israel and threatened chemical weapons attacks on Israel, attempting unsuccessfully to unravel the broad coalition under US command.

The North Koreans hope to unravel Japanese support for a US-led military campaign using the threat of missile bombardment. The North Koreans also aim to use their missile arsenal to target major military airbases and naval disembarkation ports in the Asia Pacific region to prevent the assembling of US and allied forces to foreclose a Desert Storm-style military operation against it.
For North Korea, their regional missiles are tools of deterrence and defence to avoid catastrophic military defeat. Consequently, they may be unwilling to engage in standalone arms control or reductions in conventional ballistic missile arsenals unless there is a significant shift in the nature of the country’s relationship with the United States. This means that, in the near term, a combination of hardened population shelters and limited missile defences may be the most viable countermeasure to the North Korean missile threat.
Meanwhile, China has articulated a robust war-fighting strategy using its conventional ballistic missiles. Chinese military doctrine documents discuss ‘penetrating the enemy’s air defence system, striking the enemy’s in-depth targets, and seizing air and naval dominance in future local wars’. These documents speculate a missile campaign designed to degrade US and allied air defence operations, followed by an air campaign that uses cheaper precision-guided munitions to exact significant operational damage to US and allied operations.
These are still speculative concepts and may not be easily achieved by Chinese rocket forces. But evidence indicates that China is training to execute these styles of campaigns and that Chinese rocket forces have attained limited ability to execute pre-planned joint fire against targets in the Pacific theatre.
China has integrated its conventional ballistic missiles within its regional military strategy. In the near term, arms control measures such as a version of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty seem improbable. US regional missile defence deployments and other defensive measures will have to deter and defend against these threats for now.
As China builds a modern and competent air force, it might rely less on its missile capabilities. Additionally, China is looking to reduce the footprint of US missile defence assets in the region, fearing a latent capability against its strategic missiles.
Ultimately, given the role that missiles play in North Korean and Chinese military strategy, a possible solution worth exploring is if reductions in missiles can be traded for a reasonable reduction in US and allied regional missile defences.
*About the author: Jaganath Sankaran is Assistant Professor in the Lyndon B Johnson School of Public Affairs at The University of Texas, Austin.
Source: This article was published by East Asia Forum
eurasiareview.com · by East Asia Forum · August 7, 2021



11. Japan, South Korea win joint gold for Olympic squabbles

A new Olympic event.

Japan, South Korea win joint gold for Olympic squabbles
Competition was not restricted to the stadia as multiple petty incidents exacerbated ill-feeling dividing the neighboring democracies
By JAKE ADELSTEIN, CHIHIRO KAI And ANDREW SALMON
AUGUST 8, 2021
asiatimes.com · by Jake Adelstein · August 8, 2021
TOKYO/SEOUL – The Tokyo 2020 Summer Olympics are drawing to a close. Records have been broken, sportive agonies and ecstasies have been shared and viewers have been inspired.
But despite the Games’ ambitions for “harmony and diversity” two countries left the event even more divided than before. It will surprise no Asia watchers that those nations are the host country and its closest democratic neighbor.
Relations between Japan and South Korea have always been prickly but they deteriorated sharply after Shinzo Abe’s first administration kicked off in 2012. The resultant bad blood has continued to spill, flooding 2020’s “festival of peace.”
It’s hardly surprising. It was former prime minister Shnizo Abe, after all, who lured the Olympics to Tokyo in 2013, and he has made a career out of harnessing anti-Korean sentiment for political gain.
Anti-Japanese sentiment is on a constant simmer in Korea at the best of times, so Korean politicians and opinion leaders have repaid with interest.

On the plus side – and in contrast to, say, soccer hooliganism in Europe – there have been no violent incidents. Instead, there have been a series of petty media and political scraps.
But seen through a wider prism, these signals indicate that one of the biggest challenges for US policy in the region – somehow bringing the two countries together, thereby presenting a united front against China and North Korea – will be steeper than ever, post-Games.
Legal, trade and diplomatic disconnects
Seoul-Tokyo animosity is rooted in Japan’s 1910-1945 colonization of the peninsula and related abuse of Koreans and exploitation of their land and resources. The feud is compounded by differing views of this history, and whether or not Japan has appropriately apologized and compensated.
Its most recent, and particularly strained chapter, opened in 2017.

In 2015, Abe and his South Korean counterpart had agreed on a deal on the “comfort women” – the women, many Korean, who labored in wartime military brothels, often under appalling conditions. The deal comprised Japan paying South Korea 1 billion yen ($9.8 million) to settle the emotive and contentious issue for good.
But when the Moon Jae-in government took power in Seoul in 2017, it disavowed its predecessor administration’s deal and unilaterally froze the Japanese funds.
Relations plunged far further in 2018 when South Korea’s Supreme Court ordered Japanese companies to pay reparations to South Koreans conscripted as slave laborers during the Second World War.
Tokyo refused to accept the court’s decision, on the grounds that the forced labor issue had been resolved in 1965 when the countries had opened diplomatic relations and Japan had paid hundreds of millions of dollars in reparations and soft loans.
Escalation then spiraled.

The court seized Japanese firms’ assets in Korea. An angry Tokyo implemented export controls on critical high-tech materials to South Korea. Infuriated, South Koreans boycotted Japanese products, and Seoul alarmed Washington by threatening to cancel a military intelligence-sharing agreement – which was only saved by US intervention.
Following Abe’s step down and Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga’s appointment in September 2020, there were hopes of a reset. But matters did not improve.
In January 2021, another Korean court ordered Japan to pay additional reparations to comfort women and Moon disavowed the decision. However, Suga still refused to meet him.
Then, on July 16, a high-ranking diplomat in Japan’s Seoul embassy told a local reporter that Moon was “masturbating” if he expected a summit with Suga, as, “the government of Japan does not think about the Japan-Korea relationship as much as Korea does.”
South Korean protesters tear a huge Japanese flag during a rally near the Japanese embassy in Seoul in 2019. Photo: AFP/Jung Yeon-je
That caused a predictable uproar in Korea. Less than a week before the Tokyo 2020 opening ceremony, Korea’s presidency called off Moon’s planned visit to the Games. The national grudge match continued even before the Games even got underway.

Tiny islands, big issue
Korea was in an uproar when domestic media reported that a pair of islets had appeared, as Japanese territory, on the online Olympic Torch Relay map. The islets – Dokdo in Korean, Takeshima in Japanese – in question lie between the two countries. Though Korea occupies them, their ownership is disputed.
The issue inflamed South Korea, which had been required by the IOC to scratch the islets from its own Olympic maps in 2018. Numerous bodies and persons, official and unofficial – including presidential candidates – wrote to the IOC demanding the map be changed.
There was no response from the IOC or from the Japanese side. Although the map was reproduced in Korean media with the islets boldened and circled, two Asia Times sources have examined the map in question. Neither has been able to see the supposed islets.
Japanese social media was all a-buzz when news broke on July 20 that the Korean Sport & Olympic Committee had rented a hotel near the Athletes’ Villages to establish a bento (lunch box) distribution center for its athletes. The bento specifically excluded ingredients from Fukushima and its eight neighboring prefectures.
At home, Seoul has banned imports of fishery products from Fukushima and nearby waters due to radiation concerns from the Fukushima Daiichi power plant damaged by the catastrophic tsunami/earthquake of 2011.
Korean athletes were encouraged to avoid food prepared using items from the region in the Athletes’ Village canteen. However, despite rumors circulating in the Twitter-sphere, they were not mandated to eat only South Korean meals, and according to Kyodo News, many continued to dine in the Village.
Though some Japanese apparently saw the bento situation as a calculated insult, it was hardly the first time a participating nation had provided their own meals for their athletes.
South Korean athletes had a separate meal option in the Rio 2016 Olympic Summer Games, and the Japanese Olympic Committee established its own food facility at the PyeongChang 2018 Olympic Winter Games. Furthermore, the United States imported 72,000 pounds of food and beverages from Colorado for the Tokyo 2020 Games with little fuss.
What distinguished the South Korean meal plan at Tokyo 2020 was the concern about radioactive contamination, given that the dining facility tested all ingredients for radiation before cooking them.
In April, Tokyo had announced plans to dump wastewater that had been used to cool the nuclear reactors at Fukushima into the Pacific, prompting an intense backlash from China and South Korea, who feared pollution of both water and fisheries. Protests erupted in both nations and the issue has not died down.
Japan’s Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi told an August 3 press conference that he had assured South Korea of the safety of Fukushima items used in the villages. According to Kyodo News, Motegi said, “I want to make (the Games) an opportunity to send a message to the world that agricultural, forestry and fishery products from the disaster-hit areas are safe.”
Tokyo was further irked by some Korean reports that criticized bouquets given to medalists for using flowers from Fukushima and adjacent prefectures on the grounds of “potential radiation.”
Still, cool heads tried to talk down the issue.
The department head of the Korean Olympic Committee’s Olympic Village management team told Fuji News Network, “The bento facility isn’t being run because of Fukushima. We are trying to improve the competitiveness of our athletes through sufficient nutritional intake.”
According to Kyodo News, a source close to the South Korean Sport and & Olympic Association said the anti-Fukushima produce agenda was set by “politicians who loudly took up the issue.”
Banner vs. banner
Another quarrel forced the International Olympic Committee to adopt the intermediary role often taken by the United States.
Just days before the opening ceremony, banners were hung by Korean athletes from their Olympic Village residences. They read: “I still have the support of 50 million Korean people.”
The number is a reference to the population of Korea, but the phrasing mirrors the words of 16th-century Korean naval hero Yi Sun-sin. Yi, about to fight an odds-against battle against a superior Japanese invasion fleet, told his king, “I still have 12 warships left.”
After Japanese complaints, the IOC ruled the banners provocative, citing Article 50 of the Olympic Charter which states “no kind of demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues or other areas.”
On July 17, South Korea’s Olympic Committee removed the banners.
In return for taking down the banners, Korean Olympic chief Lee Kee-heung told Korean media that the IOC promised in writing it would ban the display of the Japanese Rising Sun flag. South Korea had been requesting the IOC ban the flag from the Tokyo Games since September 2019.
The kyokujitsuki – displaying a red disc similar to the Japanese flag but with 16 rays radiating outward – was the official flag of the imperial navy. Asian nations, including Korea, colonized and occupied by the Japanese empire until its defeat in 1945, associate the flag with the invaders and their war crimes.
However, some Japanese argue that it predates the imperialist era as its origins trace back centuries and the flag was adopted by the military in the 19th century.
Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs explained in a PDF presentation on the flag that it is still used as “good catch flags used by fisherman, and celebratory flags for childbirth and seasonal festivities…The Government of Japan has explained, and will continue to explain at every opportunity its view that the display of the Rising Sun Flag is not political promotion, to the international community including the Republic of Korea.”
A message in the music
During the Olympic Opening Ceremony, the theme music from video game “Dragon Quest,” written by Koichi Sugiyama, was played at the start of athletes’ march.
Sugiyama, 90, is infamous for his homophobia and historical revisionism. He is reviled in Korea for referring to the “comfort women” as paid prostitutes and is also well-known for his general hostility toward Korea. A close friend of ex-Prime Minister Abe, he has donated over $80,000 to Abe since 2011.
A picture of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (R) is seen behind a statue (L front) of a teenage girl symbolizing former “comfort women”, who served as sex slaves for Japanese soldiers during World War II, during a demonstration demanding the Japanese government’s formal apology near the Japanese embassy in Seoul. Photo by Jung Yeon-je / AFP
Weeks before the opening ceremony, it leaked out that Sugiyama’s music would be used. Japan’s Twitterati and opposition politicians were all a-buzz at the news, which provoked international outrage. Korean newspapers did not fail to notice.
Then a buddy of both Abe and Sugiyama, Naoki Hyakuta, the author of kamikaze fan-fiction The Eternal Zero, implied in a July 31st tweet that the entire Korean Women’s Volleyball Team had had plastic surgery. That was not received well.
Professor Koichi Nakano, an expert on Japanese politics at Sophia University, speculated that the use of Sugiyama’s music sent a message to Abe’s support base that they were not being ignored.
Plus ca change?
Despite the two countries’ similar national agendas – maintaining their separate alliances with the United States, while continuing their economic relationships with China and managing the risks of North Korea – vested interests in both countries keep emotive fires burning.
“What I am seeing globally, is a lot of political entrepreneurs who have tapped into grievance politics and uncertainty – Trump, Johnson, Duterte,” said Seoul-based Daniel Pinkston, an international relations expert with Troy University. “This plays out in a slightly different way in South Korea and Japan, where there are certain factions and leaders and voting blocs where it seems to pay off in keeping this grievance going.”
Leadership elections are upcoming in both countries.
In Japan, Suge must win his party’s vote of confidence in September. If he wins that, then he will have to fight a national election in October. But given the dominance of Suga’s Liberal Democratic Party, experts expect no real change after the latter race.
“Suga is not that popular and his approval ratings are down, but the LDP is likely to win and as long as the LDP is the ruling party, their position will not change dramatically,” said Lim Eun-jung a Japan specialist at Korea’s Kongju University. “If we take that as a constant, then the only variable is South Korea.”
A new variable is set to hit the political scene in South Korea, after a presidential election in March 2022. (Incumbent Moon is constitutionally restricted to a single term.)
“As we are the variable, if a candidate who is brave enough to break through the stalemate and persuade domestic civil society can win, we can have new chances,” of improved bilateral relations Lim said.
But the pragmatists in both capitals who see the benefits of overlapping national interest, as well US foreign policy wonks, look likely to remain frustrated.
“With challengers like China and spoilers like North Korea, the region is seeing an increasing risk of instability,” said Pinkston. “But [Seoul-Tokyo hostility] is not a new problem, it has been festering for years and has disappointed US foreign policymakers going back years and years and years.”
asiatimes.com · by Jake Adelstein · August 8, 2021









V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Personal Email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
Web Site: www.fdd.org
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Subscribe to FDD’s new podcastForeign Podicy
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.

V/R
David Maxwell
Senior Fellow
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
Phone: 202-573-8647
Personal Email: david.maxwell161@gmail.com
Web Site: www.fdd.org
Twitter: @davidmaxwell161
Subscribe to FDD’s new podcastForeign Podicy
FDD is a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.

If you do not read anything else in the 2017 National Security Strategy read this on page 14:

"A democracy is only as resilient as its people. An informed and engaged citizenry is the fundamental requirement for a free and resilient nation. For generations, our society has protected free press, free speech, and free thought. Today, actors such as Russia are using information tools in an attempt to undermine the legitimacy of democracies. Adversaries target media, political processes, financial networks, and personal data. The American public and private sectors must recognize this and work together to defend our way of life. No external threat can be allowed to shake our shared commitment to our values, undermine our system of government, or divide our Nation."

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